PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.

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suspected, on good grounds, of having furnished ma CHAPTER terials for some of the bitter personal newspaper attacks

on Washington, was, much to the delight of the Federal- 1797. ists, superseded by a single vote.

The president's speech began with what has since become the regular formula for the commencement of such documents-devout congratulations on the public prosperity; after which followed an account of the treatment experienced by Pinckney. "As it is often necessary," so the speech continued, "that nations should treat for the mutual advantage of their affairs, and especially to accommodate and terminate differences, and as they can treat only by ministers, the right of embassy is well known and established by the law of nations. The refusal on the part of France to receive our minister is, then, the denial of a right; but the refusal to receive him until we have acceded to their demands, without discussion and without investigation, is to treat us neither as allies nor as friends, nor as a sovereign state."

"With this conduct of the French government, it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minister of the United States on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The speech of the president discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and, at the same time, studiously marked with indignities toward the government of the United States. It evinces a disposition to separate the people from the government, to persuade the people that they have different affections, principles, and interests from those of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and

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CHAPTER the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fit ted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest." Yet notwithstanding these injuries, a desire was expressed, in which Congress and the people were presumed to concur, to preserve peace and friendship with all nations; and in the belief that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States absolutely forbade the repetition of advances to France, the intention was stated to send thither a new mission. At the same time the president pressed upon Congress the creation of a navy, as, "next to the militia, the natural defense of the United States;" the fortification of harbors; the passage of laws authorizing, under proper regulations, the arming of mer. chant vessels in their own defense-a practice hitherto not permitted, except in case of vessels bound to the East Indies. It was also recommended to enact severe punishments against the "unnatural and iniquitous practices" of building privateers in the United States to cruise against American commerce, and against the serving of American citizens on board of such privateers.

"For myself," the speech concluded, "having never been indifferent to what concerned the interest of my country; devoted the best part of my life to obtain and support its independence; and having constantly wit nessed the patriotism, fidelity, and perseverance of my fellow-citizens on the most trying occasions, it is not for me to hesitate, or to abandon a cause in which my heart has been so long engaged.

"Convinced that the conduct of the government has been just and impartial to foreign nations; that those internal regulations which have been established by law for the preservation of peace are in their nature proper,

ANSWERS TO THE SPEECH.

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and that they have been fairly executed, nothing will CHAPTER ever be done by me to impair the national engagements; to innovate upon principles which have been so deliber- 1797. ately and uprightly established; or to surrender in any manner the rights of the government. To enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely, under God, with entire confidence on the firm and enlightened support of the national Legislature, and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellow-citizens."

This declaration of fixed purpose to persevere in the policy of the late administration dashed at once the hopes of the opposition of separating the new president from the Federal party; and forthwith the Aurora, lately so full of compliments, commenced to assail him as "president by three votes."

The Senate found no difficulty in agreeing to an answer, which, on the whole, notwithstanding some soft sentences, was fully responsive to the speech. A motion to strike out a clause of it, declaring the Senate's perfect union with the president, was lost by the decisive vote of eleven to sixteen, and vice-president Jefferson May 22 thus found himself obliged to put his signature to a document to which his own sentiments by no means corresponded. The arrival of additional senators increased the Federal majority by two or three votes. Even the waverers in the House did not escape the influence of the president's firm and decided tone, and the answer, as originally reported, echoed back the sentiments of the speech with tolerable distinctness. This, however, was a tone in which the opposition did not desire to speak; and Nicholas moved a number of amendments, of which May 27 the object was to avoid any express approval of the policy hitherto pursued by the government, or the use of any strong expressions, such as might increase the anger of

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CHAPTER the offended Directory. One of these amendments con tained a suggestion that an offer should be made to place 1797. France, as to contraband and enemies' goods, upon the same ground conceded to Great Britain in the late treaty, and the expression of a hope that this offer might prove satisfactory.

Sen

Those same gentlemen of the opposition who, twelve months before, in arguing for the rejection of Jay's treaty, had spoken so lightly of a war with Great Brit ain, seemed now to be exceedingly impressed with the calamities which must attend a war with France. sitive as they had been to injury or insult from Great Britain, toward France they exhibited a most saint-like patience. Nicholas, so he said, felt the insult to Pinckney; but he thought it very necessary to get rid of that irritation which injury produces, and to proceed in the most calm and dispassionate manner. He argued at length to show that the insult to Pinckney was not so great after all; that the real causes of his rejection were that his letters of credence made no special mention of the complaints recently urged by the French, and his being invested with no extraordinary powers to negotiate on that subject. "It might, perhaps, be the opinion of some that he was improperly influenced by party zeal in favor of the French-a zeal which had been blazoned forth as existing in an immoderate degree in this country. But where was the proof of this charge? For his own part, he had no intercourse with the French but of the commonest kind. On his first coming into this House the French were embroiled with all their neighbors, who were endeavoring to tear them to pieces. Knowing what had been the situation of this country when engaged in a similar cause, he was anxious for their success. And was there not reason for anxiety

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when a nation, contending for the right of self-govern- CHAPTER ment, was thus attacked? especially since it was well known that if the powers engaged against France had 1797. proved successful, this country would have been their next object. Had they not the strongest proof, in the declaration of one of the British colonial governors, that it was the intention of England to declare war against America, in case of the successful termination of the war against France? He would mention another reason for his sensibility in favor of the French cause, and that was because he found so much indifference to it in this part of the Union. He could not tell how it was that a disposition unfavorable to republicanism had arisen here. He shuddered for his country when he found such a disposition prevailing in any part of it; and it was to counteract this disposition that he opposed a contrary zeal, though he was not conscious of having been over-zealous."

While allowing all due weight to this defence against the charge of belonging to a French faction, we ought, at the same time, in justice to the Federalists, to recol lect the grounds on which Nicholas and his friends had maintained the existence, in the United States, of an English anti-Republican faction, controlling, as they alleged, the policy of the government. The slightest display of moderation toward Great Britain had sufficed with them as foundation for the charge of being under British influence. To have opposed Madison's resolutions for discriminations against British commerce-to have been in favor of Jay's treaty, were, in their eyes, proofs entirely sufficient to establish this imputation. But if British influence could thus be proved, was not the argument equally good, and ten times as strong, for the existence of a French influence, especially against a man like Nicholas, who proceeded to argue, in the con