CHAPTER edly the chief; and this letter alone is quite sufficient to XIV. settle the mooted, but in no respect doubtful question 1799, of Washington's final opinion of his once-trusted Secretary of State. The aged patriot to whom Washington addressed him self did not turn a deaf ear to the appeal. Few are in sensible to personal motives, and, besides those political considerations urged by Washington, Henry had strong personal reasons for thinking well of, and giving his support to, that system of government which he had once so vehemently opposed. Within a few years past he had entered extensively into the prevailing land speculations, and, more judicious and fortunate than many others, had been made wealthy by the appreciation of his landed property. He offered himself as a candidate for the House of Delegates, and was elected, as usual, by a large majority. But he did not live to take his seat; and the Federal party thus unfortunately lost, at this critical moment, the much-needed support of his influence and eloquence. Of the Federal candidate for Congress in his own district Washington was a zealous supporter, and he rode ten miles on the day of election in order to deposit his vote. Of the nineteen members to which Virginia was entitled, the Federalists carried eight, including Henry Lee and Marshall, the latter chosen from the Richmond district. Of the ten North Carolina members, the Fed eralists carried seven, also five out of six in South Car olina, and the two of Georgia. The Legislature of New York, of which state the seat of government had been transferred to Albany two years April before, had enacted, at its session lately terminated, two laws of historical importance. One was an act for the gradual extinguishment of slavery, a measure which ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN NEW YORK. 311 XIV. Governor Jay had much at heart, and which, after three CHAPTER previous unsuccessful attempts, was now at last carried. Those who were slaves at the passage of the act were to 1799. continue so for life; but all their children born after the 4th of July then following were to be free, to remain, however, with the owner of the mother as apprentices, males till the age of twenty-eight, and females till the age of twenty-five. The exportation of slaves was forbidden under a pecuniary penalty, the slave upon whom the attempt was made to become free at once. Persons removing into the state might bring with them slaves whom they had owned for a year previously; but slaves so brought in could not be sold. The other act was of a very different character. It established the Manhattan Company, with a perpetual charter, and a capital of two millions-a scheme concocted by Chancellor Livingston and other leading members of the opposition, and carried through the Assembly by the address of Burr, who was this year a mem ber; the object being to strengthen the hands of the opposition by establishing a bank of which they should have the control, the other two banks in the city of New York, the New York Bank and the United States Branch Bank, being in the hands of the Federalists. Had this design been suspected, it never could have been carried into execution; but Burr contrived to get the bill through without any hint of its actual intention, except to a few of his brother members, who he knew could be relied upon. Taking advantage of the discussions which the yellow fever had occasioned as to the necessity of procuring a supply of pure water for the city of New York, the object of the Manhattan Company purported to be the procuring such a supply. But the Company was only bound to furnish water within ten years to such XIV. CHAPTER citizens as might choose to take it, on such terms as the company might prescribe; and under a clause author1799. izing the employment of the company's surplus capital in the purchase of stocks "or any other moneyed transactions or operations," a right of banking was claimed as soon as the charter was granted, and was avowed as the great object of the company, to which the water was only a cover. In its immediate operation, at least, this piece of trickery did not much strengthen the opposition, for in the state election which followed the close of the session, the Federalists obtained a decided victory. April. The Legislature of Pennsylvania, during their session, had passed an important act for quieting the New England settlers under Connecticut grants prior in date to the Trenton decision. The state undertook to indemnify the claimants of the same lands under Pennsylvania grants by paying them certain sums per acre, according to the quality of the lands arranged for that purpose into four classes; but a part of this indemnity was to be contributed by the Connecticut holders. Thus at last was an effectual step taken toward a settlement of this protracted and troublesome controversy. Shortly after the adjournment of Congress, one of the natural results of the late violent assaults on the authority of the Federal government made its appearance in Pennsylvania. The direct tax was to be levied, among other things, on houses, arranged in certain classes; and among other prescribed means for making that classifica tion was a measurement of the windows. In the coun. ties of Northampton, Bucks, and Montgomery, a violent opposition had been made to this measurement, principally on the part of the German inhabitants, so much so that those employed in it had been obliged to desist. Warrants were issued from the District Court of Penn FRIE'S INSURRECTION. 313 XIV. 1799. March 7. sylvania against the rioters, and the marshal arrested CHAPTER some thirty persons; but in the village of Bethlehem he was set upon, and his prisoners were rescued by an armed party of fifty horsemen, headed by one Fries. The president immediately issued a proclamation requiring sub- March 12. mission to the laws. He called upon the governor of Pennsylvania for a detachment of militia; and some troops of light horse detailed for this purpose, being joined by several companies newly enlisted for the additional regiments, marched at once into the disturbed counties. The commanding officer put forth an address to the inhabitants, showing how little reason they had to complain, as the money was wanted for national defense, and the law was so arranged as to favor the poor, the ratio of the tax to the worth of the house increasing largely with the increase of value. No opposition was made to the troops, and Fries and some thirty others were secured and carried to Philadelphia. Fries was indicted for treason, and in spite of the efforts of Dallas, aided by Lewis, a Federal lawyer, among the ablest in the state, who argued that his offense amounted only to riot, he was found guilty. The court held that to resist a law by force, with intent to defeat its execution altogether, amounted to levying war. But as it appeared after verdict that one of the jury, previous to being empanneled, had expressed his opinion that Fries ought to be hung, a new trial was granted. Several of Fries' companions were found guilty of misdemeanor. While these trials were going on, the Aurora continued to be filled with unfounded aspersions on the officers and soldiers employed to arrest Fries. They were charged with living at free quarters on the inhabitants, and with chain. ing their prisoners in a manner so negligent or vindictive, that some old men had their wrists worn to the bone by XIV. CHAPTER the handcuffs. As the editor, when called upon for that purpose by a deputation of the officers, refused to fix the 1799. imputation on any particular corps, thus leaving it doubtful if there were any remedy at law, two or three of them were deputed to give him a sound beating, which was administered accordingly on his own prem. ises, a chief actor in the affair being a son of Chief justice M'Kean, who had commanded one of the militia troops of horse. A similar castigation had been previously inflicted upon the editor of a German paper at Reading, which had been filled with still more scandalous libels on the conduct of the troops, accused of beating women and children, and other like outrages. This attempt of the officers to revenge themselves was at once seized upon by all the opposition papers as the first fruits of incipient military despotism. Not satisfied with the trifling fines inflicted for this breach of the peace, Duane commenced a civil suit against young M'Kean; and this affair, in the end, was not without an important influence on the politics of Pennsylvania. Already a very vigorous canvass was going on for the chief magistracy of that state. Mifflin's third term of office was now about to expire, and the Constitution would not allow of his re-election, for which, indeed, his habitual drunkenness and declining health but very ill qualified him. The administration of the government, for some time past, had been almost entirely controlled by Secretary Dalias and Chief-justice M'Kean, and with a view to continue power in the same hands, M'Kean was brought forward as the Republican candidate by a sort of caucus or meeting of some active politicians. The Federalists nominated Senator Ross, and the canvass be gun to be carried on in a very bitter spirit. Two ob jections were principally urged against Ross, both rather |