Mr. Tower said, the Petition was a most unfair one, and hoped that its prayer would not be granted. The Repeal of the Corn-ceived by the foreign markets. That system laws would be nothing better, in his opinion, than a species of political swindling. Mr. Clay said, that the present price of biscuits was 14s. per cwt., whereas, if the prayer of the petition were to be granted, biscuits could be made at 8s. per cwt. The boon, therefore, to the shipping interest would be of the greatest importance. If that boon were not granted, all the branches of trade connected with supplying biscuits would depart from this country.

continental level. This was a fact as cer- | bond; but he must fairly say, that the tain as that day and night followed each question was so surrounded with difficulother. They were not cut down yet ties, and the practice, if permitted, would to the continental level, but they were open such a door to fraud, that no means driven down by a power they could not re- yet devised to prevent it was sufficient to sist. He would say, that it was as certain induce him to propose such a measure to as the day and night, that to the con- Parliament. They had the experience of tinental level they must fall; and in two former years to prove the consequences of moments he would give proof of it. They such an alteration. A measure had been could not expect that gold could be kept in introduced by Mr. Huskisson to allow this country when it acquired a higher wheat to be ground into flour in bond; and value by being sent to the other side of the the effect was, that fraud to a very consichannel. He would say, that, if they derable extent took place. The same rewished to keep gold in this country, they sult would be produced in this case, but must build up a wall so high, that a cuckoo much more extensively, as it would be could not fly over it. They must not only more difficult to prevent the biscuit comprevent wheat from coming in, but they ing into home consumption than the flour. must prevent gold from going out; but Nevertheless, admitting the extent of the knowing, as they must, that gold would difficulty, and the probabilities of fraud, if seek the market where its value is any further attention to the subject could highest, they must acknowledge, that, suggest the means of conceding the boon if it commanded more at one side of without danger, no man living would be the Severn than the other, it would more happy to attempt it than himself. most certainly go to that side where it With regard to the consumption of foreign would command most, and, in the same produce by the shipping interest, the House way, on the other side of the channel. was aware that the Customs' Act contained Gold, like water, would find its own level. a clause, authorizing the Treasury to allow He had foretold the consequence of the ships to take provisions out of bond for conmeasure of 1819; and he was sure, that sumption; but the shipping interest consithose who then sanctioned that measure dered this as no boon, and had at first refused would, if they had known the consequences, to avail themselves of it, although they had have had their arms drawn from their bo- subsequently changed their minds on the dies, before they would have consented to subject. Different interests had interfered, pass it into a law. and that clause had not been acted upon in regard to flour, though it had in some other articles. If the parties interested could agree among themselves, he should be happy to meet their wishes by bringing the provisions of the Act into operation. The Petition was laid on the Table. ORDER OF THE BATH.]

Mr. Hume saw no connexion between the question of currency and the subject under the consideration of the House. The simple question was, whether the shipping interest of this country was to receive the benefit of biscuits manufactured here on the same terms as they could be manufactured by foreigners? Mr. SecreIt was a question of the greatest importance, not only to the ship-tary Stanley brought down the following ping interest, but to the country at large, Message from the Crown :and one that the Government ought to take under their serious consideration. He gave the prayer of the petition his cordial support.

WILLIAM R.

His Majesty acquaints the House of 'Commons, that, having taken into his Mr. Poulett Thomson was surprised, on consideration the present state of the Most reading the prayer of the Petition, that a Honourable Military Order of the Bath, discussion should have arisen upon such a he deems it proper that measures should variety of subjects, when the House had be taken for regulating and limiting the merely to consider the propriety of permit-number of the members of the several ting bonded corn to be manufactured into classes, as well as for the purpose of rebiscuit, and returned again into bond. Helieving persons, upon whom, in future, could assure the House, that the subject this distinction shall be conferred, from had received from the Board, to which he the payment of fees and charges, as auhad the honour to belong, the best atten-thorised by the existing standards and retion it was in his power to give. It mightgulations. His Majesty makes this combe advisable to permit flour to be groundmunication, in the perfect confidence that in bond, or to be baked into biscuit in his faithful Commons will direct due in

'quiries to be instituted as to the losses to 'be sustained by the respective officers in'terested in the fees, and enable his Ma'jesty to award to them such compensation as may be judged expedient.'

On the Motion of Mr. Secretary Stanley, it was ordered that the House should take the Royal Message into consideration tomorrow, and that it should resolve itself into a Committee for the purpose.

Lord Althorp entertained great doubts as to the policy of passing such a bill as that now proposed by the hon. Member. He would not, however, oppose its being brought in. He must, at the same time, say, that it was a measure which would, at a future stage, require the serious consideration of the House.

Mr. Wilks begged the House to bear in mind, that this was not a measure for the relief of the Protestant Dissenters, but for the relief of the members of the Established Church. He would not give it any opposition. It was for the House, however, to consider how far it was expedient to put an end to the regulation in question. He would frankly state, that the Methodists and Dissenters of England did not complain of it. The operation of the proposed bill would be to relieve the members of the Church of England from a regulation of their own Church.

Mr. Hardy observed, that the bill was intended for the relief of all parties. There would be a provision in it, reserving to bishops and other ecclesiastical authorities, the spiritual powers which they at present possessed in reference to all assemblies of members of the Church for the purposes of religious worship.

Leave was given.

WORSHIP IN PRIVATE HOUSES.] Mr. Hardy, in moving for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the Act of 52 Geo. 3, c. 155, in so far as it related to the assembling of twenty persons, besides the family, for the purpose of religious worship in a private house, said, that in the year 1812, at the request of the Wesleyan Methodists, an act was very properly passed, the 52d Geo. 3rd, repealing the 13th, 14th, and 17th of Charles 2nd, and also the 22nd Charles 2nd, commonly called the Conventicle Act. The second clause, however, of the Act of Repeal restricted the number of persons assembling in a private dwelling-house for worship, exclusive of the family, to twenty. That clause of the Act was continually violated; more especially in districts where there was a want of public accommodation for the purposes of religious worship. Persons assembled in a greater number than twenty, were rendered liable to the penalties prescribed by the act, penalties serious in amount, and one-half of which would go to the informer, and yet there were many places where the violation of it was necessarily habitual. What he wished to do was, to restore to every man the right and privilege which he possessed by the common law of the land, to assemble as many persons as he pleased in his dwelling-try had long been a subject which had ochouse for the purposes of worship and reli- cupied the attention and engaged the minds gious instruction. The House was not to of the ablest men in it, and various atimagine that this part of the act had been tempts had been made from time to time allowed to lie as a dead letter. In some in- by persons very conversant with their operstances it had been very improperly, and with ation and effects to amend those laws, to great impolicy, carried into force. It had remedy the evils, and to correct the abuses been enforced, for instance, against Lord Bar- engendered by them; but hitherto unfortuham, who had religious worship performed nately all such attempts had uniformly been in his servants' hall by more than twenty unsuccessful. Such was the state in which persons. Under the existing law, the mi- his Majesty's Ministers, when they came nister might talk as long as he pleased to a into office, found the present system of Poorcongregation so assembled the congrega- laws. They found, that for many years tion might, if they pleased, talk sedition or complaints had been made as to the mode blasphemy with impunity; but the moment in which the administration of the Poorthat he and they committed an act of wor-laws had affected every class more immeship or adoration, they were liable to the penalties prescribed by this act of Parliament. He concluded by making his Motion.

POOR LAWS-ENGLAND.] Lord Althorp, in rising to call the attention of the House to the existing laws for the relief of the Poor in England, said, that most undoubtedly the Motion which he was about to introduce for the consideration of the House, was one of as great importance as any that had ever been submitted to its notice. The present state of the Poor-laws of this coun

diately connected with or interested in the soil,-the landed proprietors, the farmers, and the poor themselves; they found that

effects had arisen from their operation, might profit by the experiments made in other pa rishes where different effects had followed, and might adopt the improvements which the examples of such parishes suggested to them. He would confess, that he himself had been one of those who, in the first instance, thought that the experiment of issuing a commission would be able to carry them nothing further than this, which, however, he conceived would be in itself a great benefit for the country-namely, the exhibiting the proofs how an improved management had produced an improved state of the Poor-laws in certain parishes, while in others bad management had been productive of the most calamitous results. He was ready to admit, that, having experienced the failure of so many attempts of the Legislature to remedy the defects and abuses of the Poor-laws, he had not been sanguine that any legislative attempt which he might make would be more successful. It was under these circumstances, and with a view to guide the Legislature in its decision on this important subject, that the commission of inquiry had been issued; and he was borne out in saying, that the report of that commission was a most valuable document, It had shown to the whole country what was the state and operation of the Poor-laws in different parts of it. It had shown to the country what great improvements might be made in that state by exhibiting the trial and consequences of alterations and improvements in the administration of the Poor-laws in various parishes, while it furnished at the same time a frightful pic

the administration of the Poor-laws had been injurious in its operation to every one of those classes; but, most of all, it had been injurious to the labouring classes themselves. Such being the case, his Majesty's Ministers thought it their imperative duty, as a Government, to apply themselves at once to this question, and to consider what course they ought to pursue with a view to remedy the evils connected with it-evils of long standing, and of serious injury to the country at large. After giving the subject that consideration which its importance demanded, they felt, that the best course to adopt in the first instance was, to issue a commission of inquiry. There had been already, they were well aware, many committees of inquiry in that House upon the subject, and a great mass of information had been in that way collected with regard to it. But such a mode of proceeding, it was obvious, always carried this defect along with it-that all such information being collected from gentlemen who had come up generally as volunteers to give evidence on the subject, each prepared with his own particular system as the grand remedy that ought to be adopted, it was greatly deficient in facts, while it was abundantly contaminated with opinions and theories. They had collected a vast deal of valuable information as to opinions on the subject, but not so much as to the facts connected with it; though he need not remark, that the latter species of information was by far the more important of the two, and was indeed indispensably necessary to guide the Legislature to anything like a safe and sound system of reformation. Under these circumstances, his Majesty's Go-ture of the horror and misery occasioned in vernment thought that the best mode was to issue a commission to make inquiries in the country districts of the south, in order to ascertain what was the cause why in some parts of the country the Poor-laws were considered a benefit by parishes, while in others their operation had been ruinous and destructive, and why, in some agricultural districts, certain parishes existed in which the Poor-laws appeared to do no harm at all. In issuing such a commission of inquiry, his Majesty's Government conceived that this benefit (no small one) would at all events be reaped from its labours that having a general view of the state of the Poor-Jaws and of their administration, and a large body of important facts connected with that administration, thus laid before the country, those parishes throughout the kingdom, where injurious

other parishes by the mismanagement of those laws. Even in that respect, leaving other considerations for the present out of account, the Report of the Commissioners would be productive of the greatest advantage to the country, and to no class more advantageous than to the labouring population. He believed that, in fact, it had been already productive of much good; he believed that the Report of the Commissioners

that was to say, the abstract of the evidence collected by them that had been pub lished last session-had already operated in the most beneficial manner. It had been disseminated throughout the country; gen. tlemen in various districts had profited by the examples and facts which it furnished, and already improvements in the adminis tration of the Poor-laws had been effected in several parishes. He must say, how

ever, that the principal advantage pro- | provide for themselves, was not only justi duced by the Report of the Commissioners fiable, but a sacred duty imposed on those was this-that it had exhibited such a pic- who had the ability to assist the distressed. ture of the bad effects of the Poor-laws in It was, therefore, to the abuses of the sysmany districts of the country, that he did tem of Poor-laws, not to the system think it had now become the bounden duty itself-it was to the bad administration of of the Legislature to interfere and endea- those laws, not to their principle-that he vour to remedy an evil fraught with the objected. For a long period of years, the most destructive consequences to the whole adininistration of the Poor-laws was free community, He had already said, that the from the evils and abuses now connected effects of the Poor-laws had been injurious with it. He believed, that he was correct to the landed proprietors, injurious to the in stating, that the present bad effects exfarmers, and, above all, injurious to the la- perienced from the administration of the bouring population. He would now assert, Poor-laws dated their commencement from and he would appeal to the facts detailed in about the beginning of the present centhe Report of the Commissioners for the con- tury, and that they originated in measures firmation of what he stated, that the effect intended for the benefit of that class of the of the Poor-laws tended directly-he meant community-the labouring population-to to say, that the present administration of whose interests and welfare they were now the Poor-laws tended directly-to the de- most destructively opposed. A feeling at struction of all property in the country. It that period had got abroad, that discontent had been said, that this would lead to an existed amongst the working classes of the agrarian law-it would lead to worse than country, and a principle was then adopted that. An agrarian law was the division of in legislation, which, though no doubt well property, but the present state of the Poor- intended, and though it might be said to be laws in this country tended to the destruc- a very humane principle, had been producttion of all property. He could not con- ive of the most baneful effects. He was ceive any thing more fatal to the very class now alluding to the 36th George 3rd, in for whose benefit those laws had been which the principle was laid down, that enacted, than to allow them to go on in the relief to paupers ought to be given in their present destructive course, without an such a manner as to place them in a situaattempt on the part of the Legislature to tion of comfort. Now, however we might put a check on them. He begged, how- wish to place all our countrymen in a situa ever, that in making that statement, he tion of comfort, to give such relief as that should not be understood as expressing his described in this statute, was, he considered, disapprobation of a well-regulated system the duty of private charity, and should not of Poor-laws. So far from that being the be provided for by a compulsory rate. The case, he was of opinion, that a well-regu- effect of this law was, to give the Magislated system of Poor-laws would be pro- trates the power of ordering relief to be ductive of great benefit to the country, given to the poor in their own dwellings. He was aware that he was now expressing That had been followed up by the Magisan opinion contrary to the more strict prin- trates acting upon the same principle, which ciples of political economy. Indeed, those was so consistent with every good feeling principles went further, for they even of human nature, that it was impossible to prohibited the exercise of private charity blame them; and yet it was a great misitself. The more strict principles of po- take, though originating, undoubtedly, as he litical economy implied that every man had already said, in the best feelings that should be left to provide his own sub- animate mankind. The consequence of it sistence by his own labour-that he must had been, to lead from bad to worse. know what his family cost-that he feelings of independence on the part of the alone should provide for them; and labourers had been almost entirely extinthat he ought to make a provision for the guished in many parts of the country, and calamities which sickness and misfortune the result had been, that, instead of placing might bring upon him out of his previous the paupers in a state of comfort, all the savings. Such was the doctrine of political labouring population in many districts of economy. But as long as we were acces- the country had been reduced to a state sible, not only to the feelings of religion, of deplorable misery and distress. That but to the dictates of humanity, we must the present was a question of extreme diffibe convinced that the support of those who culty no one who had given it the slightest were really helpless, and really unable to or the most cursory attention could for a

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