not a third of the members of that Uni- the annunciation of the noble Lord, and versity had concurred in it. Since all ventured to anticipate, that, ere long, the must admit that two-thirds were greater Dissenters would be admitted to all those than one-third, no one could say, that the advantages without entertaining a wish to petition alluded to expressed the feelings infringe on the benefits due to the Church of the members of the University of Cam- of England. Dissenters had no wish to bridge, or that that body was favourable deprive the Church of its benefits, but at to the admission of Dissenters. He had the same time they felt it hard to be exso frequently discussed the principle of cluded from the University honours, as Church-rates that he would say little more was the case with a member of his own about them now, than repeat, that they family, who was obliged to forego the were, both in Ireland as well as in this benefits of the institution because he could country, a tax upon property. He would not take the test necessary as a qualificaask the hon. member for Boston, whether tion. He agreed with the hon. member he did not think so; and whether, when for Boston as to Church-rates, that the he was taking the house he at present principle was the consideration, and not occupied, he did not take Church-rates the amount of the money; and he hoped, into the account as well as tithes, and therefore, the measure contemplated by every other species of tax upon that pro-the Government would not fall short of perty? When the proposed Bill was brought before the House, he should discuss the question more fully, and at that time would not further trespass on the House.

Mr. Briscoe agreed, that it would be better that such a measure should emanate spontaneously from the members of the Administration, than have the appearance of being forced upon them. He should, however, take that opportunity of recording his own conviction of the impolicy and injustice of requiring from the Dissenters the payment of Church-rates when they erected, entirely at their own cost, their own chapels, and supported their own ministers. They had, besides, rendered eminent service to the State, by affording instruction and religious consolation to a large portion of the country. He trusted, therefore, that the measure in contemplation of the Government would prove satisfactory, and give complete relief to the Dissenters.

relieving the Dissenters altogether from this impost; for if it fell short of that, the Dissenters would not be satisfied. With respect to the Bill for regulating Dissenters' marriages, he had no doubt but that it originated in the best intentions; but still the Dissenters were dissatisfied with it, because they could not consent to remain upon a footing inferior to their fellow subjects, by getting from another Church a rite which they should have from their own. If the noble Lord had allowed the bans of marriage to be published in Dissenting chapels instead of in the churches of the Establishment, he thought the measure would be unobjectionable, because it was going to the Established Church to render an account of all marriages, that the Dissenters chiefly objected to. He hoped, that the objectionable parts might yet be obviated, and he believed the best wishes existed with the Government to satisfy the Dissenters; for no body of men in the kingdom had Mr. Baines regretted, that any objec-done so much service for the present Gotion should exist to the admission of Dis-vernment as the Dissenters, who had consenters to the Universities. He could not conceive why they should not be allowed to participate in the benefits of these Universities, seeing they belonged to the same community. He could not forget, that there was a time when the Protestants themselves were interdicted from education in these Universities. He could not forget, that the representatives of the Universities at that period might have risen up and declared that no Protestant ought to be admitted. Happily those days had passed away, and he trusted more liberal days had arrived. He hoped much from

sequently a right to look to Government for support. He could not consider the claim of Dissenters to burying according to their own rites in Church cemeteries as any great hardship upon the Established Church, for the Dissenters were called upon to pay their share for the ground; and it was not, therefore, unreasonable that they should be allowed to bury their dead according to their own rites. It was the wish of the Dissenters to keep up a good understanding with Ministers, and he trusted the latter would render the measure in contemplation unobjectionable,

a

Mr. Sinclair agreed with the hon. | to show Ministers what they had to fear member for Boston, that this question was from them-if they would only make " one of principle, and the principle seemed long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altoto him to be this, shall there, or shall there gether," they would obtain more than ever not, be a Church Establishment? If all they could expect from their courtesy towho dissented from its communion were wards the present Government. to be exonerated from contributing towards keeping up the edifices in which religious rights are celebrated according to the forms of the Established Church, on what ground could they be called upon to concur in defraying the maintenance of its Ministers? It was urged, that the Dissenters were subjected to the expense of erecting and keeping up their own places of worship was it not equally true that they supported their own clergy? Might they not, therefore, on a similar ground, and with equal justice, claim exemption from paying any share of the jucomes which the law assigned to the Episcopal incumbents of this land? He felt quite persuaded, that the one demand was only the foreFunner of the other, and would he urged with still greater force and plausibility, when the concession, now insisted on, should be made good. He considered that the property of this country, whether belonging to Dissenters or to members of the Church, had, from time immemorial, been liable to this impost, and, without at present entering further into the consideration of a subject, on which discussion had better be waived until a future opportunity, he should express his opposition to the Motion of his hon. friend, because he thought it militated, in an alarming degree, against the principle of maintaining an Established Church in this country.

Mr. O'Connell thought the question one entirely of principle, for no Christian sect ought to be called on to pay for the religion of another Christian sect. It was only the principle of common sense and of common justice. He was sorry the Universities were not open to the Dissenters. In the University of Dublin they had a case in point. Catholics had admission there for some years, and Dissenters were admitted long previously; and yet the Established Church had still all their usual advantages from that institution. The exclusion from the Universities was a superfluous insult to the Protestant Dissenters. These exclusions ought to be done away with, and if the Dissenters would only act for themselves, and make use out of the House of their influence so as

Lord John Russell rose for the purpose of addressing a few observations to the House in reply to what had fallen from the hon. member for Leeds as to the manner in which Government had received the complaints of the Dissenters. The hon. Member said, and said truly, that the Dissenters were the warm friends and supporters of civil and religious liberty. He acknowledged with pleasure, that he had always found them ready to support principles of Liberty and aiding those who were her friends. But it would be in the recollection of the House, that when he and his noble and hon. friends were out of office, it had been their constant aim to protect the Dissenters in the enjoyment of their just rights, or assert their claim from time to time in that House to all the immunities, privileges, and liberties, enjoyed by the rest of his Majesty's subjects, and that since they had been in power they had endeavoured to realise, as far as they were able, the promises they had made, and the expectations they had held out to the great body of Protestant Dissenters. The present Ministers were the friends of the just claims of the Dissenters, because they were the friends of civil and religious liberty, and they had neither been impelled formerly in what they had done, nor were they impelled now in what they were about to do, for the relief of the Dissenters, by what the hon. and learned member for Dublin had alluded to,-namely, by the fear of menaces on the part of that body-any more than they had been, in another instance, deterred by the fear of menaces on the part of their constituents, from urging the claims and advocating the cause of that religious liberty of which the hon. and learned member for Dublin himself now enjoyed the benefit. A great portion of the Dissenters, a large portion of the people of England, were opposed to the Catholic question, but the Members of the present Government supported the Catholic claims, as they had supported, and did support, the claims of the Dissenters, because they were both founded upon the two great and leading principles of civil and religious liberty. Their main object through life had been the advo

cacy of those principles. They were men | contracts. Indeed, the practice, in these bound together as a party for the support cases, would soon be far less reputable of those principles; out of power they had even than that practised on the other side endeavoured to forward them out of of the borders by persons to whom young power they had succeeded in getting a great people, escaped from their friends, resorted portion of the just claims of the Dissenters to contract marriages not within their conceded; and now that they were in power in their own country; and a man power, there surely should be no doubt and would have only to set apart a room no want of confidence in them as to their in his house, and adopt the pretext bringing forward, in due time and season, of being a Dissenter to enable him to the question by which the Dissenters inflict an unlimited injury on that would find, that all their claims would be part of society whose simplicity and satisfactorily arranged. The hon. member defenceless condition ought to make for Leeds had said, that the bill regarding them the particular subjects of the law's the marriages of Dissenters had been found protection. This was the view he had fault with by them, as rendering them, in taken when considering what ought to be some degree, subservient to the Esta- the provisions of the Marriage Bill. The blished Church. It was unfair, on their House, however, would never see a termipart, to view it in such a light, and, he nation to these evils until they had estatrusted that, on calmer consideration, blished a national registration. To be of they would not adhere to such an inter- practical utility, it was necessary that repretation of that measure. It was not so gistration should be complete, embracing intended-it never was framed or brought all classes of his Majesty's subjects, and forward for such a purpose. Those who also that it should be compulsory. Fully started these objections were not, he was impressed with this idea, he was not incertain, aware of the difficulties which clined to propose an imperfect measure, were to be encountered by those who at nor was he disposed to press so important tempted to legislate upon a subject of so a matter on the attention of the Legislamuch delicacy. The objectors had referred ture without the fullest preparation being to the case of the Quakers, who were suf- made to insure its accomplishing these fered to enjoy unmolested their own forms great national objects. From the informof marriage, christening, and so forth; ation procured from various quarters in but they seemed to overlook the real and reference to these subjects, he thought it obvious dictinction between that class of was likely, after the Poor-laws were setpeople and the great body of Protestant tled, they might see their way to a general Dissenters. The Quakers constituted, as national registration next year, which it were, but one family, and were numeri- should embrace all classes, and include cally a small body of people, providing, marriages, deaths, and births, all within themselves, for almost all their so- matters of much importance to famicial wants, and regulating their respective lies in ascertaining kindred, and the concerns with each other by a sort of do- distribution of property. He would mestic government. In all these respects, assure the hon. member for Boston, there was nothing in such a people that that if he (Lord John Russell) had any Government had anything to dread many years ago, in his place in that from leaving them the privileges of mar- House, felt it his duty to push the just rying and christening according to their claims of the Dissenters by every arguown long-established forms. It would be ment and effort within his reach, he would a widely different thing to extend those not now, when he possessed some influence, privileges to so large a portion of the whole display less anxiety or zeal to procure for population as the Protestant Dissenters them every possible extension of their civil now formed. One obvious consequence and religious liberty. In giving, however, would be, to open a fearfully wide door to this assurance to that body, he must acimposition; for instance, it would be in company it, by adding, that he was, at the the power of any one, merely by pretend- same time, prepared to support and uping that he was a Dissenter, to solemnise hold the Church of England as by law marriages, without any regard to the re-established, convinced, as he was, by exstraints which were now wisely enforced perience, that it was a national benefit, through the medium of Church regulations and mainly instrumental in securing the upon the rash formation of such solemn religious liberty we had so long enjoyed.

Dr. Lushington was deeply impressed | purporting to be carried on under the with the importance of the subject under authority of Parliament, and entitled the the consideration of the House; but as his Glasgow Lottery, and into any other lotteMajesty's Government intended to take ries, foreign or otherwise, of which (since it up, he hoped the hon. mover was not the legal discontinuance of lotteries) prepared to press it with breathless haste. schemes, tickets, or shares, have been cirHe hoped the assurances given to night culated in the United Kingdom. From by his noble friend would give general the manner in which the announcement content and satisfaction, for the pre- of the particular lottery to which he wished sent, to the Protestant Dissenters generally. especially to call the attention of the The House would see that, in following House had been made, it had been prothe project of Government as to the pro- mulgated to the community, that it was posed general registration, they would have carried on under the sanction and authority the whole benefit of the information, in- of Parliament; yet not a single Member of fluence, and weight, that Government, and the House was aware that he had ever Government alone, could bring to bear on given his sanction to the revival of lottea measure of such great national interest. ries in this country, and the noble Lord, Instead of following an isolated measure, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had or the mode of legislating which had been himself on a former occasion declared, so ruinously pursued for the last fifty that he was not in any degree cognizant of years, by partial acts, to meet each parti- any measure at all tending to sanction cular evil that pressed on a sensitive por- such a proceeding having been submitted tion of society, they should act as became to or passed the Legislature. The noble grave and able legislators, and anticipate, by Lord had characterised the measure in a great measure, the growing wants of the terms so strong and so just, that he (Sir community. He was aware, as well as Robert Inglis) might almost rely upon most who heard him, that if it were ever that declaration as the foundation upon brought to issue in that House, there was which to rest the present Motion. The a majority within those walls determined to noble Lord had characterised the transacgive the Dissenters the whole of their just tion as connected with a fraudulent prodemands. Whatever might be the fate of ceeding. With such a declaration, that any Bill intended to effect that object in the authority of Parliament had been the other House of Parliament, they, as fraudulently obtained, he felt satisfied the real representatives of the Dissenters that the House would think him justified and the whole population of the United in insisting upon an inquiry. The title of Kingdom, backed, as they were, to-night, the Bill from which the alleged authority by the assurance of a Minister, who never was derived, was completely at variance pledged his word without an honest in- with the provisions which it established. tention to redeem it with honour, would The title was a Bill for Altering and Imbe sure, in the end, to prevail, and ensure proving certain Streets, from the Cross of to these classes of religious professors that Glasgow, to Monteith-row, and in its prowhich they were strictly entitled to in the visions the word lottery was never meneyes of both God and man. tioned. Such, however, had been the case in all bills passed for the purpose of enabling parties to dispose of property by lottery, and he would instance the Bill for disposing of the buildings in Pickettstreet and Snow-hill, wherein the law affecting lotteries was specially alluded to, and a clause inserted to relieve the parties from liability to the penalties to which under the old law they would be exposed. So also in the cases of the Boydel, Tomkins, and other property, but otherwise in GLASGOW LOTTERY.] Sir Robert Inglis the present instance. He did not underrose to submit to the House the Motion of stand the noble Lord in his remark to which he had given notice, for the appoint-attribute personal fraud to the parties who ment of a Select Committee to inquire into obtained the Bill, to the solicitor who had the origin and present state of a lottery framed it, or to the contractors. Neither

Mr. Divett rose to express his satisfaction with the assurances which had been given to the House on this subject by the noble Lord. He hailed that declaration with the utmost satisfaction, and would willingly leave the subject in the hands of his Majesty's Government. He would, with the leave of the House, withdraw the Motion.

Motion withdrawn.

only one lottery had been made, but had not followed it up, under the perfect conviction that the whole business would be closed with that single transaction, and that therefore it would be unnecessary for Parliament again to interfere. Besides this, an appeal ad misericordiam had been made, and it had been represented that any parliamentary interference would be ruinous in its effects to many individuals. This information, coupled with the feeling that the evil would soon cease, had induced him not to revive the matter. But no sooner was the Parliament prorogued than new advertisements appeared, announcing a second lottery; and the House need not be reminded that a third was now about to be proceeded with. He had been informed by a gentleman who had authorized him to state his name if required by the House, that if Parliament had interposed before the second drawing, the contractors would have suffered no loss, as the contract was not completed; but now, from the implied sanction of the Legislature, consequent on its not having interposed, a third lottery had been determined upon and announced. He had stated sufficient ground he thought to induce the noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the House, to accede to his Motion for inquiry indeed, he did not anticipate any opposition from more than one hon. Member. The hon. Baronet concluded by moving for the appointment of a Select Committee in the terms already stated.

did he make such an accusation, but he | House to this subject in the month of did contend that the House, with such a April, 1833, when the announcement of Bill before it, never could have conceived it possible that such a proceeding as the Glasgow lottery was contemplated; nor did he believe such a proceeding could be warranted or sustained under the Bill. He thought, however, that though the parties might have been guilty of no fraud in bringing the Bill before the House, yet they had made themselves responsible for all that might ensue under the old law passed in the reign of Queen Anne. The great object, however, he had in view, was not so much to punish any party, however improper might have been their conduct, as to prevent a recurrence of similar measures in future. If any encouragement was given by the House to such a course of proceeding, this mode of raising money, not for the fiscal purposes of the State, but for contractors, would in twenty instances be revived and repeated in the course of next year. He had heard with regret, in the course of last week, the hon. member for Sussex, and the hon. member for the city of Dublin, urge the establishment of lotteries, not for national purposes, but to carry into effect particular objects. The hon. and learned member for Dublin had claimed a lottery in aid of a ship-canal; and another hon. Member sought for similar assistance for the completion of the Thames-tunnel. However he might look with anxiety for the complete termination of the latter undertaking, yet he should object to recourse being had to such suspicious aid as that to be derived from the revival of lotteries a system of raising money which had ceased even for fiscal purposes, and ought not to be renewed in aid of the shareholders in a tunnel or a canal at the expense of increasing a spirit for gambling, which was at once destructive of the morals of the people, and injurious to the best interests and resources of the nation. There had been transmitted to him from Ireland a circular letter, bearing the signature of the hon. member for Leominster, in which that hon. Gentleman lamented that lotteries were not more prevalent in this country. He entertained no such feelings of regret, but, on the contrary, he maintained, that if the Government entertained such a principle, instead of being (as it ought to be) the guardian, it would become the corruptor of the public morals. He had first called the attention of the

Mr. Sinclair said, that upon a subject so immediately referring to Scotland, where lotteries were so generally deprecated, he felt it his duty to second the Motion of the hon. Baronet. He had himself much regretted to hear propositions suggested to the House for the revival of lotteries, for the advancement of either public or private works. Rather than see such a course adopted he should hope that measures would be taken by the Legislature to prevent any participation by the people of this country even in foreign lotteries.

Mr. Bish said, that as his character had been in some degree involved in the question before the House, he begged to state that he knew no more of the Bill which had been alluded to than did the right hon. Gentleman in the Chair, He