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coffers, whereof from the very beginning he was not forgetful; and had been more happy at the latter end, if his early providence, which kept him from all necessity of exacting upon his people, could likewise have attempered his nature therein. He added during parliament to his former creations the ennoblement or advancement in nobility of a few others. The Lord Chandos of Brittaine was made Earl of Bath; Sir Giles Dawbigny was made Lord Dawbigny; and Sir Robert Willoughby Lord Brooke.

The King did also with great nobleness and bounty (which virtues at that time had their turns in his nature) restore Edward Stafford eldest son to Henry Duke of Buckingham, attainted in the time of King Richard, not only to his dignities, but to his fortunes and possessions, which were great; to which he was moved also by a kind of gratitude, for that the Duke was the man that moved the first stone against the tyranny of King Richard, and indeed made the King a bridge to the crown upon his own ruins. Thus the Parliament brake up.

The Parliament being dissolved, the King sent forthwith money to redeem the Marquis Dorset and Sir John Bourchier, whom he had left as his pledges at Paris for money which he had borrowed when he made his expedition for England; and thereupon he took a fit occasion to send the Lord Treasurer and Mr. Bray (whom he used as counsellor) to the Lord Mayor of London, requiring of the City a prest of six thousand marks. But after many parleys he could obtain but two thousand pounds; which nevertheless the King took in good part, as men use to do that practise to borrow money when they have no need.

About this time the King called unto his Privy Counsel John Morton and Richard Foxe, the one Bishop of Ely, the other Bishop of Exeter; vigilant men and secret, and such as kept watch with him almost upon all men else. They had been both (versed in his affairs before he came to the crown, and were

spartakers of his adverse fortune. This Morton soon after, upon

the death of Bourchier, he made Archbishop of Canterbury.

description of many of these laws than was then necessary for English readers. English readers want the explanation now as much as foreigners; and therefore I shall in most cases give the Latin words by way of commentary.

Una fuit, ut exteri licet civitate donati nihilominus vectigalia qualia imponi solent meris exteris solverent: altera, ut mulctæ mercatorum Italorum propter pecunias quæ proveniebant ex mercibus suis venundatis in nativas regni merces non impensas, fisco regio applicarentur.

And for Foxe, he made him Lord Keeper of his Privy Seal; and afterwards advanced him by degrees, from Exeter to Bath and Wells, thence to Durham, and last to Winchester. Fcr although the King loved to employ and advance bishops, because having rich bishoprics they carried their reward upon themselves; yet he did use to raise them by steps; that he might not lose the profit of the first fruits', which by that course of gradation was multiplied.

At last upon the eighteenth of January was solemnised the so long expected and so much desired marriage between the King

and the Lady Elizabeth; which day of marriage was celebrated constant. with greater triumph and demonstrations (especially on the trust people's part) of joy and gladness, than the days either of his entry or coronation; which the King rather noted than liked. And it is true that all his life-time, while the Lady Elizabeth lived with him (for she died before him), he shewed himself no very indulgent husband2 towards her though she was beautiful

1 i. e. the portion of the profit which he contrived to secure for himself. The firstfruits at that time went to the Pope, as is noticed in the Latin translation, which adds, “Licet enim tunc temporis reditus ille ex primitiis reditibus regiis non fuisset annexus, sed tributo papali cesserat; attamen ipse ita cum collectoribus Papæ se gerere solebut, ut haud parvum inde commodum sibi redundaret.”

So again farther on: "Towards his queen he was nothing uxorious, nor scarce indulgent; but companiable and respective, and without jealousy."

I am not aware that any evidence is now extant from which it could be inferred that Henry was wanting in indulgence to his wife; but these words are evidently chosen with care and delicacy, and we need not doubt that Bacon had good grounds for what he said. These passages are, I believe, the sole foundation of the statements made by later historians on this point; a few of which (to show how little the copy can be trusted for preserving the characteristic features of the original) it may be worth while to quote, according to the order of their date. The successive pictures are not however copies from each other, but all meant to be copies direct from Bacon.

1. Rapin (A. D. 1707-25). "Henry did not like to see the people's joy for this marriage. He perceived Elizabeth had a greater share in it than himself, and consequently he was thought really king only in right of his queen. This consideration inspired him with such a coldness for her, that he never ceased giving her marks of it so long as she lived. He deferred her coronation two whole years, and doubtless would have done so for ever, if he had not thought it prejudicial to him to persist in refusing her that honour. Nay perhaps he would have dealt with her as Edward the Confessor had formerly done by his queen, daughter of Earl Goodwin, had not the desire of children caused him to overcome his aversion."

2. Hume (1759). "Henry remarked with much displeasure the general favour which was borne the house of York. The suspicions which arose from it not only disturbed his tranquillity during his whole reign, but bred disgust towards his spouse herself, and poisoned all his domestic enjoyments Though virtuous, amiable, and obsequious to the last degree, she never met with a proper return of affection, or even of complaisance, from her husband; and the malignant ideas of faction still, in his sullen mind, prevailed over all the sentiments of conjugal tenderness."

3. Henry (1790). "Henry did not relish these rejoicings; on the contrary they gave great disgust to his jealous and sullen spirit; as they convinced him that the house of York was still the favourite of the people, and that his young and beautiful consort possessed a greater share of their affections than himself. This, it is said,

?-gentle and fruitful.

But his aversion toward the house of York was so predominant in him, as it found place not only in his wars and counsels, but in his chamber and bed.

Towards the middle of the spring', the King, full of confidence and assurance, as a prince that had been victorious in battle, and had prevailed with his Parliament in all that he desired, and had the ring of acclamations fresh in his ears, thought the rest of his reign should be but play, and the enjoying of a kingdom. Yet as a wise and watchful King, he would not neglect anything for his safety, thinking nevertheless to perform all things now rather as an exercise than as a labour. So he being truly informed that the northern parts were not only affectionate to the house of York, but particularly had been devoted to King Richard the Third, thought it would be a summer well spent to visit those parts, and by his presence and application of himself to reclaim and rectify those humours. But the King, in his account of peace and calms, did much over-cast his fortunes; which proved for many years together full of broken seas, tides, and tempests. For he was no sooner come to Lincoln, where he kept his Easter, but he received news that the Lord Lovell, Humphrey Stafford, and Thomas Stafford, who had formerly taken sanctuary at3 Colchester, were departed out of sanctuary, but to what place no man could tell. Which advertisement the King despised, and continued his journey to York. At York there came fresh and more certain advertisement that the Lord

deprived her of the affections of her husband, who treated her unkindly during her life."

4. Thomas Heywood (Preface to the Song of the Lady Bessy, p. 15.), (1829). "It was a match of policy; and the gentle and unoffending queen, after a life rendered miserable by the dislike in which the king held her in common with the whole of the house of York, and having given birth to three sons and four daughters, died in the Tower, A. D. 1503, in the 37th year of her age," &c.

"I have not met " (says Dr. Lingard, after quoting a passage of opposite tendency) "with any good proof of Henry's dislike of Elizabeth, so often mentioned by later writers. In the MS. of André and the journals of the Herald they appear as if they entertained a real affection for each other." (Vol. v. p. 328.)

If Bacon be, as I suppose he is, the sole authority upon which these later writers speak, proof was not to be expected. Bacon does not say that Henry was either neglectful or unkind, but only that he was not very indulgent.

In the Latin, jam autem. Easter-day fell that year on the 26th of March; and by that time the king had advanced in his northern progress as far as Lincoln. 2 Præsentiaque sua, et majestate simul ac comitate.

* Several pages of the MS. that followed here are lost.

So Polydore Vergil. According to the journal of a herald who accompanied the progress (printed in Leland's Collectanea, vol. iv., from Cott. MSS. Jul. B. xii.), which is better authority, news reached the king at Pontefract that Lord Lovel had passed him on the road, and was preparing to surprise him at York.

Lovell was at hand with a great power of men, and that the
Staffords were in arms in Worcestershire, and had made their
approaches to the city of Worcester to assail it. The King,
as a prince of great and profound judgment, was not much
moved with it; for that he thought it was but a rag or remnant
of Bosworth Field, and had nothing in it of the main party of
the house of York. But he was more doubtful of the raising
of forces to resist the rebels, than of the resistance itself1; for
that he was in a core of people whose affections he suspected.
But the action enduring no delay, he did speedily levy and
send against the Lord Lovell to the number of three thousand
men, ill armed but well assured (being taken some few out of
his own train, and the rest out of the tenants and followers of
such as were safe to be trusted), under the conduct of the Duke
of Bedford. And as his manner was to send his pardons rather
before the sword than after, he gave commission to the Duke to
proclaim pardon to all that would come in: which the Duke,
upon his approach to the Lord Lovell's camp, did perform. And
it fell out as the King expected; the heralds were the greate

ordnance. For the Lord Lovell, upon proclamation of pardon, pens,

mistrusting his men, fled into Lancashire, and lurking for a time with Sir Thomas Broughton, after sailed over into Flanders to the Lady Margaret. And his men, forsaken of their captain, did presently submit themselves to the Duke. The Staffords likewise, and their forces, hearing what had happened to the Lord Lovell (in whose success their chief trust was), despaired and dispersed; the two brothers taking sanctuary at Colnham, a village near Abingdon; which place, upon view of their privilege in the King's bench, being judged no sufficient sanctuary for traitors, Humphrey was executed at Tyburn; and Thomas, as being led by his elder brother, was pardoned. So this rebellion proved but a blast, and the King having by this journey purged a little the dregs and leaven of the northern people, that were before in no good affection towards him, returned to London.

In September following, the Queen was delivered of her first) son, whom the King (in honour of the British race, of which himself was) named Arthur, according to the name of that ancient worthy King of the Britons; in whose acts there is

1 i. e. than that the rebels might easily be resisted. "Magis autem solicitum eum habuit copiarum delectus quibus resisteret rebellibus quam ipsorum rebellium debellatio.”

44

Lipt w/o be? is 3 panderd to continente superstil?) adds an

HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII.

rings on truth enough to make him famous, besides that which is fabu

Jous. The child was strong and able, though he was born in
the eighth month, which the physicians do prejudge.

There followed this year, being the second of the King's reign, a strange accident of state, whereof the relations which we have are so naked, as they leave it scarce credible; not for the nature of it, (for it hath fallen out oft,) but for the manner and circumstance of it, especially in the beginnings. Therefore We shall make our judgment upon the things themselves, as they give light one to another, and (as we can) dig truth out of the mine. The King was green in his estate; and contrary

to his own opinion and desert both, was not without much

hatred throughout the realm. The root of all was the discoun

tenancing of the house of York, which the general body of the

realm still affected. This did alienate the hearts of the subjects
from him daily more and more, especially when they saw that
after his marriage, and after a son born, the King did neverthe-
less not so much as proceed to the coronation of the Queen1,
not vouchsafing her the honour of a matrimonial crown; for
the coronation of her was not till almost two years after, when
danger had taught him what to do. But much more, when it
was spread abroad (whether by error or the cunning of mal-
contents) that the King had a purpose to put to death Edward
Plantagenet closely in the Tower: whose case was so nearly
paralleled with that of Edward the Fourth's children, in respect
of the blood, like age, and the very place of the Tower, as it
did refresh and reflect upon the King a most odious resemblance,
as if he would be another King Richard. And all this time it
was still whispered everywhere, that at least one of the
children of Edward the Fourth was living. Which bruit was
cunningly fomented by such as desired innovation. Neither was
the King's nature and customs greatly fit to disperse these
mists; but contrariwise he had a fashion rather to create
doubts than assurance. Thus was fuel prepared for the spark :

peop

wed

De quo medici et astrologi male ominantur.

In cujus rebus gestis asserendis satis invenitur in historia vera et monumentis antiquis, quod illum, demptis fabulis, magnâ gloriâ regnasse testetur.

Mirum quoddam facinus et audacia plenum, quodque statum regis et regni vehementer perturbavit.

Nihilominus coronationem reginæ suæ (quæ conjunctim cum coronatione propria ab omnibus primo erat spect .ta) adhuc distulisse.