it, will I hope, on consideration, appear to you to be not, by any means, a desirable object. You may rest assured, that the best attention which I can give to the subject shall be exerted; and I trust and doubt not, that upon a communication with you upon this topic, I shall be able to give you full satisfaction.

I agree with you most warmly, that any advantage, which we may derive from reformation, must be precarious, so long as the articles of war shall continue to be a permanent and established branch of municipal law, which they certainly are under the present act for regulating the king's army in Ireland. I have not a doubt, in my mind, that a perpetual mutiny law lays the foundation of a military government in this country; upon this principle I did oppose it as strenuously as I could, from the first moment it was introduced into the House of Commons, and upon this principle I will, whilst I live, make every effort within my power to procure a repeal of it. The administration of justice in this country is certainly an object of the first importance, and therefore I will, at all times, concur in any measure, which can be proposed to make the judges of the land independent and respectable.

I have the honour to be,

FROM THE DEBATES IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS.

[PAGE 294.]

THE Right Honourable T. Townshend spoke fully upon the privileges of the House of Commons. He maintained, that the only true substantial meaning or idea those privileges conveyed was that they were the indubitable right of all the Commons of England, who had one general interest in them. That to be sure in a more confined sense, they were particularly applied first to that house, as a deliberative body, and one of the

branches of the legislature. Secondly to the individual members who compose that body. He did not intend to make them, however, the subject of this day's business; they were but of secondary, nay indeed of very inferior consequence, when opposed to that great privilege, the power of granting money, of keeping the purse of their constituents safe from the hands of violence, art or fraud. This was a trust of the first magnitude; in fact, it included every other; for so long as that was preserved inviolate, the crown would remain under the constitutional control of parliament; so soon as that was wrested by open force, defeated by indirect means, or done away by fraud, the liberties and the privileges of the people would be for ever annihilated. He expatiated on the commendable, wise, and well-founded jealousy of that house whenever the least attempt had been made in that way even by the other house; but when any endeavours were made by the crown, or its ministerial agents, the commons at all times caught the alarm; they had at all times uniformly united, as if they were actuated by one soul, to resist any attempt of the crown to encroach upon their power of granting or refusing the money to be raised on themselves or their constituents. He then opened the cause which induced him to make these observations, and read the following papers.

"Message to the Irish House of Commons,

HARCOURT.

Jovis, Nov. 23d, 1774.

I have his majesty's command to acquaint you, that the situa tion of affairs, in part of his American dominions, is such, as makes it necessary, for the honour and safety of the British empire, and for the support of his majesty's just rights, to desire the concurrence of his faithful parliament of Ireland, in sending out of this kingdom a force not exceeding four thousand men, part of the number of troops upon this establishment, appointed to remain in this kingdom, for its defence, and to declare to you, his majesty's most gracious intentions, that such part of his army as shall be spared out of this kingdom, to answer the present exigency of affairs, is not to continue a charge upon this establishment so long as they shall remain out of the kingdom. I am further commanded to inform you, that as his majesty has nothing more at heart than the security and protection of his people of Ireland, it is his intention, if it be the desire of the parliament, to replace such forces, as may be sent out of this kingdom, by an equal number of foreign Protestant

troops, as soon as his majesty shall be enabled so to do. The charge of such troops to be defrayed without any expence to this kingdom.

Extract from the Address of Knights, &c. to Lord Harcourt.

That your excellency will be pleased to return his majesty our most gracious thanks for his gracious declaration, that his majesty has nothing more at heart than the security and protection of his people of Ireland, of which his majesty has given a signal proof, by his offer, if it shall be the desire of parliament, to replace such forces as may be sent out of this kingdom, by an equal number of Foreign Protestant troops, the charge thereof to be defrayed, without any expence to this kingdom.

Extract from the Votes of the House of Commons of Ireland.

AN amendment was proposed to be made to the resolution, by inserting after the word resolved, the following words, viz. "that having, in consequence of his majesty's gracious recom"mendations, and of our mature consideration of the state of this "country, repeatedly declared our opinion, that twelve thousand "men are necessary for the defence of this kingdom; being "sensible that it would be a violation of the trust reposed in "us, should we have subjected our constituents to a very heavy expence, in times of perfect tranquillity, for the purpose of providing a force, which we are to part with in times of danger; and being convinced, that since the time at which we "first declared twelve thousand men to be necessary, the pro"bability of a war has increased, and not diminished."

Right Honourable Mr. Speaker's Speech to his Excellency Simon Earl of Harcourt.

Luna 25 die Decembris, 1775.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

THE conduct of the commons, in the course of this session, has marked more strongly, if possible, than in any former period, their loyalty, duty, and affection to his majesty, and their zeal for the interest and honour of Great Britain. At the hazard of their own safety they have consented to part with one-third of the forces deemed necessary to be maintained at all times within this kingdom for its defence in

a season when powerful reasons existed for retaining them, without putting Great Britain to the expence of replacing them, though generously offered; and they have cheerfully granted to his majesty a very considerable supply, in addition to all former duties, though the liberality of the last session served only to expose the weakness of their resources. This disposition of the commons they doubt not your excellency will improve to their advantage, and they trust that through your excellency's favourable representation, it will serve to unite Great Britain and Ireland in still closer bonds of mutual affection, so necessary to the security and prosperity of both. They acknowledge with gratitude your excellency's generous efforts to open to them new sources of commerce, and to remove some restraints upon the old; they see with joy a beam of light break through that dark cloud which has so long overshadowed this nation; and they are animated with the hope that the honour is reserved for your excellency's administration, of establishing this important truth, that nothing will more contribute to augment the strength and wealth of Great Britain, than the increase of both in this kingdom.

Having read these papers, Mr. Townshend said, the message contained two propositions, by both which the parliament of Great Britain was pledged to that of Ireland, if it should accept the conditions held forth by this message, to pay for the troops to be sent to America, and to replace them with 4000 foreign Protestants; and further to induce the Irish nation to accept this insidious bargain, she was to have 12,000 within the kingdom, and at the same time to be relieved of a burthen of 80,000Z. per annum. Such a proposition could only have originated in the worst designs, or must have been the effect of the most consummate folly. For what was the whole measure taken together? The minister on this or the other side of the water, no matter which, makes the king engage his royal word, that the expence shall be borne by the parliament of Great Britain; but adding folly to temerity, makes him promise, that Great Britain shall pay for 8,000 men, though if the bargain was accepted, she would actually have but 4000 men in her service. After thus stating, in his opinion, the meaning of the words, he proceeded to shew, that they were received in this sense by the Irish parliament, though neither of the offers were received in the terms proposed, and quoted the speaker's speech, delivered at the bar of the House of Lords, on the 25th of December, 1775, in which he offers, in the name of the commons, to send the 4000 natives out of the kingdom, without putting Great Britain to the expence of replacing them, though generously offered. He then stated the complaint in the following words: "that the Earl of Harcourt, lord lieutenant general, and general

governor of Ireland, did, on the 23d day of November last, " in breach of the privilege, and in derogation of the honour and "authority of this house, send a written message to the House "of Commons of the parliament of Ireland, signed with his own. "hand, to the following effect." (Here he recited the message in page 96.) He moved, that a committee be appointed to enquire into the matter of the said complaint, and to report the same, as it shall appear to them, to the house.

Sir George Yonge seconded the motion.

Lord Clare said, the right honourable gentleman who made the motion, had been lavish of his encomiums on Ireland, but did not offer a syllable in behalf of poor Britain. Ireland retained a proper sense of freedom; she would not admit foreigners, even with the consent of parliament; her principles were sound, her manners were pure: her counsels were uncontaminated; while poor degenerated Britain was fallen from her former greatness, and was sunk into the lowest extreme of corruption, folly, and want of spirit; yet while he was proud to hear his country so highly extolled, he could not help lamenting that fallen Britain had not one friend to stand forth in her defence. His lordship having continued upon the two propositions. The offer of sending foreigners and of defraying the expence signified nothing: no such offer or promise was intended; it was all the idle reveries of a gentleman, whom, for the familiarity of expression, he would call by the name of Mr. Edmund Sexton Perry. He knew Mr. Edmund Sexton Perry very well, and he knew him to be a good sort of a considerate, honest, sensible man, but however sensible Mr. Perry might be, the house was not bound by his interpretations. The honourable mover says, that Mr. Perry went to the bar of the House of Lords, and delivered a certain speech, and that the lord lieutenant acquiesced in that interpretation of the message, because he did not contradict it. Would he have Lord Harcourt rise and come to Mr. Perry to the bar, and contradict him, by telling him he never meant any such thing? I dare say he would hardly be so unreasonable. I have indeed heard it asserted by some of my countrymen, that they spoke better English than the people of his country. It may be so, but it is the first time I ever heard it asserted, that they understood it better. I presume that Mr. Perry thought he understood the message; but I will not allow that either Lord Harcourt, or this house, are bound to abide by his interpretation; neither can I be persuaded that the House of Commons of Ireland are any more bound than we are by his conceptions. For what does the whole amount to? Mr. Perry, in his individual capacity, says so and so. What is that to the House of Commons? He is speaker it is true, but what he does