"than the pride of a sister (in an honourable connection with "whom we will ever glory) should trample on the dearest rights "of our nature, we should meet our danger like men deserving "to be free, and by acting with the boldness of conscious virtue " and true dignity, we would probably secure for ages the inte"rest, peace, and affections of the two kingdoms.

"Our Houses of Lords and Commons, forced into the temporary practice of virtue by the demands of an armed people, "complained of the British Declaratory Law of 6th of George "I. and of the powers, as the lords said, and of the claims of it, according to the commons.

"Every one must recollect in what manner demands, on the (6 accuracy of which the settlement of the rights of three millions "depend, was precipitated. Imperfect, however, as they were, "their general tenor went to demand an eternal renouncement "of all power of legislation for this country, however marked "by the futile, groundless, and insidious distinction of external "and internal.

"In the address of our commons to the king, we find the "following animated expressions to this point:

"There is no body of men competent to make laws to bind "this kingdom except the king, lords, and commons of Ireland; "nor any other parliament which hath any authority or power "of any sort whatsoever in this country, save only the parlia "ment of Ireland. To assure his majesty, that we humbly "conceive that in this right the very essence of our liberties ex"ists; a right which we, on the part of the people of Ireland, "do claim as their birthright, and which we cannot yield but "with our lives."

"Let us examine how this claim, so solemnly advanced by "the representatives of a nation, was received, and what effects "it produced on our repenting sister.

"Mr. Fox, a man of the first abilities in Europe, who was "the ostensible minister of that day, moved for a repeal of the "6th of George the First in the British House of Commons, a "repeal which has since drawn such floods of gratitude and ill"timed applause from the open, sincere, unsuspecting hearts of "Irishmen. In a speech in which his great abilities were fully "employed, introductory of the Irish business to the parliament "and people of Great Britain, a business of which he was the "avowed patron, in the very same breath, with which he urged "the justice of our demands, asserted, that he always made a 'distinction between internal and external legislation, and though 'it would be tyranny to attempt to enforce the former in coun'tries not represented in the British parliament, yet he was 'clear that the latter was in reason and policy annexed to the British legislature.' A little after he presents a just though

6

"dreadful view of that very species of usurpation which he dig"nified by giving it the air of a right, though he little intends "that it should be seen in so clear a light as it has been by every "thinking man in this country:.... His words are 'but fatally for 'this country this power of external legislation had been em'ployed against Ireland as an instrument of oppression to esta'blish an impolitic monopoly in trade, to enrich one country at 'the expence of the other.' Could a more striking illustration "of the abominable state of subjection to which we were according to his assertion reduced, and still are subject, be given? This picture drawn in a British House of Commons, "exhibits a nation deprived of even the shadow of constitution, "and consequently its dearest interests lying at the mercy or "rather caprice of a neighbouring nation; of a nation whose 66 policy it had ever been to check and destroy in the bud, every prospect of gain and commercial advantage, which did not "directly tend to her own opulence or did not gratify her own "lust for power.

"We might defy the most descriptive pen to delineate the "features of the most abject slavery with more truth and ac66 curacy.

"We do not mean to tax the then premier with any miscon"duct as a British minister, as we cannot but suppose he fairly "represented the sentiment of the cabinet; the sentiment of an "administration uncommonly popular, and of the bulk of the "British nation; for we are well aware that a man situated as "he was, durst not, as premier, utter a sentiment not according "with that of his colleagues; also that his chance for remaining "long in office depended on his acting up to, and holding such "language as, considering the circumstances of the times, would "be most pleasing to the country to which he belonged. Mr. "T. Pitt, who seconded the motion of Mr. Fox, further ad66 vanced, that he knew no difference between internal and ex'ternal legislation, and that he would not, to his last breath, 'think otherwise.' Lord Beauchamp was the only man who con"tended against the claim of externally legislating for us, and "who foresaw that any thing short of a relinquishment of that "claim as well as the other, could not be satisfactory to this "country. A few days after the minister said, that the first men of Ireland were content with a repeal alone. In that shape the law passed, and we were persuaded in the second "address to admit the idea, not indeed of a simple repeal but a "repeal without stipulation or condition, and which might have "been full and sufficient if properly worded.

66

"We have, from these circumstances, every presumptive evi"dence, that it never was the intention of Britain or of British "ministers to relinquish the right, and that their favour extend

"ed no farther than to a suspension of its exercise, which in her "then debilitated state she could not enforce.

"We have here avoided mentioning the very cogent reasons "advanced by the Right Honourable H. Flood, and the great "view he has opened of the question to the kingdom at large: we must, however, pay him that tribute of praise, that no man yet has been' hardy enough (save Mr. Dobbs) to meet him on "that subject, either in parliament or in the public prints. As "to that gentleman's impregnable fortress, founded on a rock,' we presume it could be taken without much difficulty: but as "it is purposely erected to withstand the abilities of the greatest "man, and perhaps the most profound constitutional historian in "the British empire, we shall not here presume to attack it.

"It is very foreign from our intention to attempt to open new "grounds of controversy with England; but we ardently wish,and "will never cease to hope, that the people of this kingdom will, by "perseverance and an exertion of spirit, bounded by loyalty to 66 our prince and a love of the British constitution, according to "its purest principles, very speedily obtain the wishes expressed "by its inhabitants in every capacity, and by the addresses of its "own parliament to its sovereign. As to volunteers, it is evi"dent that their honour is bound by the determination of their "first and only glorious meetings in their different provinces, "and that they cannot retract without ignominy and contempt. "Let a reflection on the miraculous effects your own spirit, dis"played at one of your Dungannon meetings, produced on all "descriptions of men, as well the courtier as the timid friend, "teach you that even unanimity among ourselves, as well as a lasting and happy connection between the two contending "parties, can only be obtained by again speaking out with that "spirit, which characterised Irishmen on the 15th of February, "1782, and which rendered it a day that will make an eminent "figure in the annals of the empire.

•

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"Recollect that Ulster led the way, that the other provinces. "followed the great example with redoubled vigour, and that we "cannot doubt they will do so again; that discontents against men and measures are gone forth, and are hourly encreasing; "that the first meeting of Ulster is equally the pride of every man in Ireland; and the last one pretty generally reprobated "as premature, ill-judged, and not conveying the sense of the "constituent body. Such reflections will convince every im

partial man, that a speedy meeting on the hill of Dungannon, "(the delegates being previously instructed by the people, in "whom only true spirit exists, and taught only to echo their "sentiment) can alone, in the present mutilated state of our af"fairs, so lately promising every blessing, give us the chance of "a free constitution. Do not forget that Connaught has, in her

"address to his majesty, laid down, in the most pointed terms "that language could convey, the very principle which we here "endeavour to establish and maintain; where she informs his "majesty, that a revival of the claims, either of external or in"ternal legislation, would for ever sever the two countries.

"If you follow her steps in that point, what can possibly be "dreaded? You will at that instant, with her, compose a "large majority of the armed force of Ireland: and no man "who has not sinister, dishonest views, can pretend to allege "that perfect unanimity would not prevail over the whole king"dom, as it did when there was much less chance or expecta❝tion of it.

"The British legislature in claiming a right to external legislation for this country, assumes an absolute control over "our commerce and foreign trade: and consequently can, if "we admit her claim, prevent us from forming any commercial "connection with any nation on the globe however well "calculated our produce or manufactures may be to serve. "such nation. When such a preposterous claim is made, "will any man, in his right reason, say that this is enjoying "equal liberty; or that we have, under such base restraint, "received what Britain was pleased to term a free trade, when "the moment of her depriving us of a commerce, even with "foreign nations, depends merely on her own caprice, or her own interest?

"Slavery cannot be of a deeper complection!

"It may be alleged, that this is the price we pay for the pro"tection of the British flag. But let us not deceive ourselves. "Ireland is, and ever was, one of the best pillars of the empire " and contributes more to the aggrandizement of Britain than "any other country she is connected with. But independently "of this circumstance, will any man, not enamoured with the "horrors of bondage, dare to assert that the loss of civil liberty "should be the price of any protection whatever!

"We take the liberty of submitting three resolutions to your "deliberation, which we will move through our delegate the day "after the Belfast review, when addresses to the reviewing 66 general will be moved for.

"Previous to that day, we hope, you will instruct your delegate, which will attend the meeting, whether you chuse that "he should give your assent or dissent to them.

"1st Resolve, That a Dungannon meeting be held on the.... "day of....for the purpose of considering whether any, and which "of the demands of the province of Ulster of the 15th of "February, 1782, have not yet been complied with. If any are "found not yet complied with, prudent measures may be adopted

VOL. II.

"for obtaining them, as also for obtaining an Irish statute, "declaring that the sole right of both external and internal "legislation is vested in our own parliament, and in no other,

as its receiving the assent of a prince, in whom the two crowns "are united would be held a strong security, and would admi"nister general satisfaction.

"2d Resolve, That it is not the sense of this meeting that "a simple repeal of the 6th of George I. can be accepted as a sufficient renunciation of the claim of external and internal "legislation formerly exercised over this country.

"3d Resolve, In order to guard against an undue use of "delegated power, that it be held a general principle, that no "resolutions or addresses, which may be adopted at any future "assemblies of delegates, can be considered as being the reso"lutions and addresses of such volunteer companies, until the "chairman shall have transmitted copies of their proceedings "to all the companies for whom delegates appeared, each of "which corps shall deliberate collectively upon such proceed"ings, and return to the chairman on or before a limited day, "their several approbations or disapprobations of each resolu "tion and of each address. That as soon as it has been ascer"tained, which resolutions, and which addresses are agreeable "to the majority, then, and not before, such resolutions shall be "held binding to the constituent body, and the addresses shall "then be presented or transmitted. That such chairman shall, "in the public prints of the province, publish such assents or "dissents of corps to each resolution and each address.

"We have the honour to be,

"Gentlemen,

"Your fellow subjects and soldiers.

(Signed by order of the Company) WADDELL CUNNINGHAM. Belfast, July 18, 1782.

AN ADDRESS FROM FRANCIS DOBES, ESQ. TO THE OFFICERS AND PRIVATES OF THE SEVERAL

COMPANIES TO BE REVIEWED AT BELFAST, THE 31ST OF JULY, 1782....P. 333.

GENTLEMEN,

FROM the fullest conviction, that this is a critical moment for Ireland, and that your conduct, at the