Ireland, to the peaceable and steady conduct of the Irish nation, ought to be recorded.* "I think myself happy, said his grace, "that on return to his majesty's royal presence, I can justly represent his people of Ireland, as most dutiful, loyal and affec❝tionate subjects."

The Duke of Dorset was succeeded in the lieutenancy by the Duke of Devonshire, whose administration was the longest and most quiet of any, since the accession of the Hanover family. His Grace was wholly devoted to the councils and influence of the primate, who died in that administration. No lord lieutenant, since the first Duke of Ormond, had displayed such pomp, state, and luxury as the Duke of Devonshire: no one had ever applied so much of his personal patrimony to the gratification or advantage of the Irish nation: and upon the whole, his administration, without being brilliant or glorious, had the negative merit of not having been turbulent. As it is unquestionable, that the administration of the Duke of Devonshire was entirely carried on by the direction of the primate, it materially affects the history of those times, to ascertain the spirit and principles

"opinion from the beginning of this session. This I am sure of, that all pre"sent in the service of the crown were of opinion, that the push ought not to "be made, where there was no probability of success."

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* 4 Journ. Com. p. 152.

† So the primate expresses himself to this nobleman on the 28th of April, 1737...." The great character your grace has from every body, satisfies me "we shall be happy under your administration, if it be not our own fault. I "have made it my endeavour to serve his majesty faithfully here, and shall always labour to promote his interest and honour, and the prosperity of his subjects; and am glad that I and the other lords justices have been rightly "represented to your grace on that head: and I dare answer for them, as well "as myself, that we shall do our utmost to make your administration here easy. "Beside those public letters you are pleased to encourage us to write, there "will be occasions when it may be for the service of his majesty, and the "good of this kingdom, that I should give your grace an account of my parti"cular sense of affairs, which I hope you will allow me the liberty to write to your grace. I can promise that I will never knowingly mislead you, and your grace will always be judge of what I propose." Upon which the editor of the primate's letters informs us, that "his grace's administration was "the happiest, the longest, and perhaps the most useful that was ever known " in Ireland since the House of Hanover came to the crown, which was greatly "owing to the confidence he placed (advised so to do by his good friend Sir "Robert Walpole) in my lord primate. My lord primate died in this admi"nistration, but had gone through three sessions of parliament without losing, "as it is best remembered, a single government question. But at the same "time this is observed, be it also recollected, that his Grace of Devonshire did greatly strengthen his own hands, and by that means those of the govern"ment, by a double alliance in marriage with the powerful family of Ponsonby; who then had great weight, and now are of still greater consequence "in that kingdom. This alliance, no doubt, contributed to make things go easy again, as it did afterwards during the short administration of that amia"ble, most worthy, and truly noble personage the last Duke of Devonshire." At his own private expences he built the Quay in Dublin, which bears the name of Devonshire Quay, in grateful remembrance of this benefactor to the Irish nation.

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of that government, by which Ireland then was ruled. In writing to the Duke of Newcastle about the reduction of the gold coin, the primate observes, that he had in a particular manner been ill used on this occasion, and that monstrous stories had been spread about to enrage the people.* At this remote distance from the action of Primate Boulter's principles upon the people of Ireland, represented by their parliament, the impartial observer will necessarily conclude, that every Irishman who considered or felt the independence of his country, would resist the fundamental position laid down by that political prelate, that the council in Ireland, whose special mission was to keep up the English interest there, by the constitution had a power to check the proceedings both of the lords and commons. As persecution and harhness were agreeable, neither to King George the Second, nor to his then favourite minister Sir Robert Walpole, the Catholics of Ireland had enjoyed some few years of relative indulgence, which was ill relished by the primate, as in his ideas it had produced so much insolence in that body, and there was so general a disposition amongst Protestants and Papists to insult magistrates for doing their duty, that they thought it proper for preserving the peace of the country, to prosecute any person indifferently that demanded satisfaction of any magistrate for putting the laws in execution.* No argument can so conclu

* 2 Vol. p. 242. "It is possible (said his grace, in 1737), some discon"tented people may endeavour to bring the affair into parliament, and make. "some reflecting votes on the council here, which by our constitution has a "power to check the proceedings of both lords and commons, I think they "will not be able to carry any vote on that point; but if they do, I am sure "the only check here on their heat at any time will be taken away, except his "majesty is pleased to support the council. In the whole affair I am satisfied. "the aim of several is to depress the English interest here, which the more "some labour to depress, the more necessary will it be to support it here by "his majesty's authority. As for myself I make no difficulty of retiring, if it "may be of any use, and indeed have of late been so ill used in this affair, that "nothing but his majesty's service should hinder me from retiring. The "heats of this town begin to cool, and would have been over by this time, if they had not been artfully kept up for a handle to another place." (Letter to the Duke of Newcastle, September 29th, 1737.) The editor of Primate Boulter's letters assures us, that such a malignant spirit had been raised on this occasion by Dean Swift and the bankers, that it was thought proper to lodge at the primate's house an extraordinary guard of soldiers. On no occasion, however, were the Catholics to be supposed innocent of any misconduct that happened in Ireland. It was certainly a singular combination of the most. heterogeneous interests, to which the primate attributed this opposition to the will of the English cabinet in Ireland. In this same letter the archbishop hints, that the heats were artfully kept up by Dean Swift and by the management of the bankers and remitters, and the whole Popish party there, and that the affair occasioned a great deal of heat.

* Letter to the Duke of Devonshire, 2 vol. p. 227. It certainly is a conclu-. sive avowal, that prosecutions were not before that time carried on indifferently in Ireland, when the first minister of national justice makes a desperate and forced threat of administering it indifferently for the peace of the country; His grace had before this artfully prepared the public mind for this new and

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sively refute the charges incessantly urged from this side of the water against the Irish for being by disposition turbulent and savage, by principle inimical to England, and by religion disloyal to a Protestant sovereign, than the simple fact, that Ireland raised not an arm against the government, when an extensive and unsuccessful war on the Continent, the countenance of a young Pretender to the British throne, and the absence of a compulsory armed force from Ireland, displayed the most seducing incitements to disorder, disaffection, and rebellion, if their roots existed in the land. It was then, with notorious truth, that the Duke of Devonshire so frequently in his speeches to parliament during this time congratulated them upon the grateful and happy necessity he was under, of reporting favourably to his majesty upon the affection, zeal, and loyalty of his Irish subjects.

Loud and vehement as were the cries and exertions against Popery and Papists in Ireland, yet it is impossible for any temperate man not to see, that they arose out of no other principle than that of self-interest. Lord Clancarty had, it appears, under the Duke of Devonshire's administration, obtained the consent of the British cabinet, that a bill should be brought into the Irish parliament for the reversal of his attainder, which passed for his adhering to the cause of King James in 1688. His estates, which had been consequently forfeited, were, according to Primate Boulter's account, then of the annual value of 60,000/ and the report of such a measure, together with the reflections made upon the consequences of such a precedent, threw the Protestant landholders into the greatest alarm and fermentation.* In proportion as they were attached to the possession extraordinary administration of indifferent justice, by the lord lieutenant's speech at the close of the parliament of that year. (4 Fourn. Com. p. 280.) "I have nothing particular to recommend to you upon your return to your se"veral countries, being well satisfied that you will in your respective stations "put the laws strictly and impartially in execution, encourage an hearty union amongst Protestants, and discountenance and punish prophaneness and im"morality. I need not mention to you, that your maintaining the dignity of "the crown, and a due submission to the magistrate, will be the surest means "to preserve the public peace and tranquillity." The laws which were thus recommended to be put in execution, were well understood at that time to be the Popery laws, and thus by artfully substituting the general words prophaneness and immorality for the appropriate word Popery, which those laws were framed to punish and persecute, this intriguing prelate acquired a plausible reason for extending his favourite system of rigour to those Protestants, who discountenanced the Popery laws and opposed the English interest, as objects of more rancour and detestation to his grace than even the Papists themselves. 2 Boulter, p. 152.

MY LORD,

TO THE BISHOP OF LONDON.

Dublin, 9th of February, 1735. THE bearer is the Rev. Mr. Cox, one of a very good family here, and of a fair character. He goes over to England to oppose the reversing of

of the Catholics' lands, they were vehement in decrying the principles and tenets of the Catholic religion. It had the effect to sharpen the edge of the law, by more rigorous execution, and of encreasing the acrimony of the Irish government against the body of Catholics, notwithstanding their unshaken loyalty and exemplary conduct. The nature of this alarm appears from the resolutions of the commons at the end of the year 1739, *nearly four years after his majesty had in the year 1735 the Lord Clancarty's attainder, if any such thing should be attempted this session. He is in possession of 4001. per annum, part of the Clancarty estate, which his father bought under the faith of two English acts of parliament, the Irish Trustee Act, and a particular act obtained by the Hollow Sword Blade Company, who had bought great estates here of the trustees, to make good the titles of those, who purchased under them. He will be best able to give your lordship an account of these several acts. But as not only he, but great numbers of Protestant purchasers, who have improved the Clancarty estate to near 60,000l. per annum, think they may be affected by such a reversal, I need not tell your lordship what a ferment the discourse of it has occasioned in those parts where the estate lies. But I must further add, that as probably two-thirds of the estates of Protestants here were Popish forfeitures originally, the uneasiness is universal, since they think if the attainder of any family be reversed now, another family may at another time obtain the same favour; and another at another season; for that no possessor of such forfeited estate can tell how long he or his may continue in the quiet enjoyment of what they have bought under the faith of English acts of parliament, and on the improvement of which they have laid out their substance. The House of Commons here have represented their sense of this matter to his majesty, as the House of Lords did two or three sessions ago, to which they then received a most gracious answer, which was the reason they did not address now. As a step of this nature would give great uneasiness to his majesty's Protestant subjects here, I desire your lordship would, where you judge it proper, re. present the importance of the case. I have wrote a letter on this subject to his Grace the Duke of Newcastle, and sent it by the same hand.

I am,

My Lord, &c. &c.

1 Journ. Com. p. 336. Lund. 18th of February, 1739. Mr. Pigot reported from the committee appointed to take into consideration the petition of those, whose names are thereunto subscribed, in behalf of themselves and a great number of other Protestant purchasers of the late forfeited estates in the county of Cork, or deriving under them, and interested in the said estates, that they had come to several resolutions in the matter to them referred, which he read in his place, and afterwards delivered in at the table, where the same were again read, and are as follows:

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that the petitioners have fully proved the allegations of their petition.

Resolved, That it appears to this committee, that seventy-eight suits have been already commenced against the petitioners, and other Protestants, for the recovery of lands forfeited by the horrid Rebellion of 1688, and purchased by them, or their ancestors, under the sanction of several acts of parliament, and that the said suits have been greatly expensive and vexatious to the persons so sued.

Resolved, That it is the opinion of the committee, that any attempt to disturb the Protestant purchasers of the estates forfeited in the years 1641 and 1688, in peaceable and quiet possession of their just and legal properties under such purchases, will be of dangerous consequence to his majesty's person and government, the succession in his royal house, and highly prejudicial to the Protestant interest of this kingdom, and contrary to several acts of parliament made and provided for the security of such Protestant purchasers.

assured them, in answer to their former address, that his majesty would always discourage any application or attempt, that might be made for the reversal of outlawries of persons attainted for the rebellions in 1641 and 1688, in any case that might affect the interest or property of any of his Protestant subjects there. This still proves, that there was an interest in the Irish cabinet, not in unison with all the dictates of the British cabinet the former however prevailed on this occasion, and the attainder of Lord Clancarty was not reversed.*

Several causes combined to protect the Irish Catholics at this time, from being exposed to fresh rigor or persecution: the personal feelings of the sovereign, the political views of the English ministry, the humane disposition of the Duke of Devonshire, all conspired in a system of leniency and moderation, as best calculated to ensure the affection of the Irish nation, when it was well known, that the agents of the abdicated family

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that any person or persons who shall promote, encourage, or assist any person or persons in carrying on the said suits, will thereby endeavour to lessen the Protestant interest of this kingdom, and discourage his majesty's loyal Protestant subjects from making settlements or improvements therein.

The first and second resolutions being read a second time, were agreed to by the house, nemine contradicente.

The third resolution being read a second time, was, with an amendment thereunto, agreed unto by the house, nemine contradicente, and is as followeth : Resolved, That any attempt to disturb the Protestant purchasers of the estates forfeited in the years 1641 and 1688, in their peaceable possession of their just and legal properties under such purchases, will be of dangerous consequence to his majesty's person and government, the succession in his royal house, and highly prejudicial to the Protestant interest of this kingdom, and derogatory from the parliamentary security, under which such Protestants have purchased.

Then the last resolution of the committee being read a second time, was agreed to by the house.

This nobleman sensibly resented the irresolution of the English ministry in not carrying into effect their promises and engagements for passing this measure; on this account M'Allister in his letters, (p. 15) observes, that he considered himself ill used by the ministry of England, and therefore required but a very slender invitation to join in any enterprise, that in his opinion might distress them, and therefore with great alacrity and readiness he attended the summons he had received from the old Chevalier to prepare for the intended invasion of Great Britain in 1745. Lord Clancarty (says this author) several years before he received the letter of invitation from the old Pretender, had been in Ireland, where he brought ejectments for recovery of an estate forfeited by his father, amounting to about 60,000!. per annum, which he claimed under a settlement of marriage. The parliament of that kingdom passed a vote, whereby it was resolved, that any lawyer, counsel, attorney, or solicitor that should proceed in such suit, &c. should be deemed an enemy to his country, &c. This resolution, which quieted the minds and interests of the possessors of that large estate, enraged, the mind of the earl, who thought himself entitled to the whole; and disappointed in that expectation, he sought any occasion for procuring to himself the prospect of possessing that great fortune, and would have joined the Grand Turk or Cham of Tartary to obtain it.