aristocratic cantons was worthy of the descendants of William Tell: they exerted themselves to restore tranquillity in the interior of those distracted states; they hastened to share in their external dangers; and they exhorted these governments to concede to the demands of their subjects, and to strengthen themselves by union,

While deputies from Schwitz and Unterwalden were la bouring to heal the breaches between Berne and its bailliages, the dependencies of the former applied to it to be released from subjection; some to be allowed (as la Marche) to form inde pendent sister states; and others to be admitted to the rights of citizenship: but the advice which they had so earnestly and wisely imparted to Berne and Zurich, they found the utmost difficulty in exemplifying by practice; and they absolutely held out against the demands of their subjects, till the armies of France were on the point of entering their territories. Schwitz, besides sharing with more or fewer of the other cantons in the Sovereignty of numerous dependent districts, was the sole sovereign of the bourg of Kusnacht, of the valley of Enisidlen, or Notre Dame des Hermites, of several villages on the lake of Zurich, and of la Marche, the beautiful district intersected by the river Aa.

Though the little cantons saw Berne, Fribourg, and Soleure, fall into the hands of France; yet they suffered themselves to be lulled into security by the hypocritical protestations of French agents, who declared that it was not the intention of the Directory to interfere with the government of the Demo cratic Cantons. The proclamation of General Brune, calling on the people of Helvetia to send deputies to Arau, in order to form a republic one and indivisible, dispelled the illusion, and threw the inhabitants of the forest cantons into all the agonies of despair. In this awful crisis, they prove themselves worthy of their fore-fathers: they resolve on resistance, and frame memorials replete with frankness, wisdom, and powerful rea soning. They thus address the Directory:

"We cannot find expressions strong enough to paint to you the consternation which the intelligence respecting the new constitution occasioned among us. It is impossible that we should make you sensible of the grief which we felt. Nothing, in our eyes, can be compared to the misfortune of losing the constitution which our ancestors founded, which is adapted to our manners and necessities; and which has secured to us, during many ages, that share of comfort and happiness of which our peaceful valleys are susceptible.

"If it be possible that you meditate changes in our popular governments, permit us to address you in the language of frankness and of liberty: Allow us to ask, have you found any thing in our constitution hostile to the principles of your own? Where will

you discover a form of goverment that places sovereignty more com pletely in the people than our own? Where is civil and political equality more perfect? Where do citizens enjoy a greater sum of liberty? We bear no other chains but the light chains of religion and morality; we submit to no yoke but such as laws of our own formation impose. In other states, the people may be very differently cir cumstanced in these respects: but among us, the descendants of William Tell, who have preserved, without the least alteration, the constitution which he left to us, and for the preservation of which we now invoke you with all the energy which the conviction of pleading the most just of causes can inspire; among us, but one wish is breathed, that of remaining subject to the government which Providence and the courage of our ancestors have bestowed on us.”

The addresses from which we have made the above extract were never presented, because the French Generals and agents refused the necessary passports to the Swiss deputies; and therefore the devoted cantons had no alternative but that of a degrading blind submission, or a recourse to arms. Here the evil genius of federal government again shewed itself; and, had not opposite views, jarring interests, the absence of union, and the want of consolidation, interfered, the French General and his followers would have found their graves at the feet of the lofty Alps.

The new constitution published by the assembly at Arau became an apple of discord; some of the confederates adopted it, others deserted the common standard from fear, and others. left it in order to defend their immediate possessions. Uri was Jukewarm, relying on its insurmountable barriers; and to Schwitz, and part of the Unterwalden, was left the glory of asserting the honour of their descent, and of falling bravely in the field for national independence and freedom.

Abandoned by those who ought to have made a common cause with them, overcome by the superior numbers, and baffled by the superior skill of their enemies, and surrounded every where. by their powerful foes, when the last ray of hope had vanished, this was the language in the ranks: "What now remains for us to do, but to die the glorious death of our ancestors?" In this awful emergency, the enthusiasm of the people was at its highest pitch. The old men and the children wished to share in the glory of failing with their liberties. Matrons and young women assisted in drawing the cannon along the most rough and inaccessible roads; they were almost all furnished with arms; and the cowards, who sought to escape danger, were forced to join the banners which they had deserted. The men, unshaken and unruffled, like the rocks on which they stood, courageously waited the occasions of sacrificing themselves to their country. Skirting the verdant heights of Morgarten, the

sacred

sacred monument of the antient valour of the Swiss, they were resolved, if unable to leave liberty to their posterity, to set them the example of a defence worthy of it. Aloys Reding, of Schwitz, who commanded the allies, -a hero and a sage, who in peaceable times had been the advocate of reforms and ameliorations, but who resented the offer of changes from an armed enemy,-in this situation, thus addressed his troops :*

"Brave comrades, dear fellow citizens, behold us at a decisive moment. Surrounded by enemies, abandoned by friends, there now remains for us only to ascertain whether we wish courageously to imitate the example set us by our ancestors at Morgarten. A death almost certain awaits us. If any one fears it, let him retire, and no reproach on our part shall follow him. Let us not impose on each other in this solemn hour. I had rather have a hundred men prepared for all events, on whom I can rely, than five hundred who, taking themselves to flight, will produce confusion, and, by their perfidious retreat, would sacrifice the heroes who were desirous of still defending themselves. As to myself, I promise not to abandon you even in the greatest peril. DEATH, AND NO RETREAT. If you share in my resolution, depute two men from each rank, and let them swear to me, in your name, that you will be faithful to your promises."

The words of the hero were heard in the greatest silence, and with most religious attention; hardy warriors shed tears of tenderness; and when the address was closed, a thousand cries were heard: "We will share your lot, we will never abandon you." Two men came forth from each rank, to pledge fidelity in life and death to the chief.

After having consecrated by unparalleled bravery the heights of Morgarten and other passes, victorious in every combat, and in every affair exhausted by their very triumphs, the more cool and reasonable turned their thoughts to capitulation. A suspension of arms for 24 hours was obtained, an assembly of the people was held, and the warriors quitted their heights to deliberate. Here again the superiority of the brave children of William Tell discovered itself. After various speeches, and after the hero Reding had recommended capitulation, the assembly being agitated like the waves of a tempestuous sea, a venerable old priest, deservedly held in the highest esteem, explained to them their situation. Stating the reasons for capitulating, thrice his voice was lost in murmurs, and thrice they invited him to continue his discourse. The councils of reason at length carried the decision by a great majority, while about a hundred resolutely voted for an useless sacrifice of human life. The capitulation was settled, and the Schwitzers *The author assures us that the speech is authentic and correct.

were

were only required to submit to the new constitution: the rights of persons, property, and religion, were not to be violated; and the French troops were to be wholly withdrawn from the vicinity. We ought perhaps, in justice, to state that the French General Schauenbourg, who was employed in the odious undertaking of invading these peaceful happy districts, shewed the inhabitants every mark of respect and consideration, took every opportunity of extolling their virtue and heroism, and cultivated the friendship of their brave commander, Reding.

Thus, says the author, Europe was a witness to the valour of these mountaineers, admired their efforts, and commiserated their ill success! We lament to hear that they are still doomed to inquietude and contention.

ART. IV. Principes du Droit Politique, &c. i. e. Principles of Political Law, set in opposition to those of J. J. Rousseau, on the Social Contract, &c. &c. By M. ***. ancien Avocat au Parlement. 8vo. PP. 314 Paris. 1801. Imported by De Boffe, London.

ΤΗ

HE partisans of the French Revolution have made the contract social their political gospel; and it has been considered by many as, in a great degree, the cause of the calamities and miseries which that event has brought on the world. A masterly criticism on that production, therefore, would have formed a valuable present to the public, and been an acceptable offering from a courtier of the new school to the chief ruler of France; whose fortune and whose power have swept from the soil of that country all the institutions and forms of liberty, which the disciples of Rousseau, at the expence of incalculable sacrifices, had for a time introduced. Yet, be the errors of that celebrated work ever so numerous, be its tendency ever so pernicious, be the ills which it has actually produced ever so many and flagrant; let senatorial anathemas multiply, let declaimers pour forth their invectives, let power threaten, and let fashion sneer; still, the fire of genius and the fascinations of style, which illumine and grace the pages of the philosopher of Geneva, will render vain every effort to subject his works to an interdict. While a taste for letters or a relish for exquisite composition exists, Rousseau will not fail to have readers.

It is true, indeed, that persons of even ordinary discrimination cannot fail to discover, in this work on the social contract, bons mots which mislead, sophisms 'which perplex, operose deductions which the understanding cannot follow, obscure media. of reasoning, hardy assertions, wild paradoxes, and even glaring

inconsistencies: but these are so blended with effusions of the finest sense, with sage remarks, with well weighed reflections, with qualifications which, if they do not sufficiently caution the reader, form a shelter for the author; in short, the whole of this production is drawn up with so much art, that he must be a bold man, and a courageous writer, who will attempt completely to expose its imperfections and confute its errors. This is a province too high for angry ignorance, or rancorous superstition. Not merely the Genevese Lawyer and the Archbishop of Paris, but the first wits of his time, dreaded and smarted under his Jash. It is not, therefore, some one taken by chance out of the endless list of advocates, that can overturn a main pillar which supports the fame of the author of Emile and Heloise.

We respect the intentions of the writer of the volume before us, who denominates himself an advocate; and we should have been glad to see the task which he volunteered succesfully executed but we differ nearly as widely from him, as we do from the celebrated person whom he has chosen to combat. In our judgment, he possesses not that acquaintance with his subject, nor those talents, nor that skill in composition, which are requisite for his undertaking. He has exposed some of the inconsistenctes which present themselves in the contrat social, and has shewn some address in pointing his adversary's own weapons against himself: but, on the whole, we think that the literary hero is little hurt by this formal, deliberate, and solemn attack. The errors of a genius like Rousseau, indeed, lead to more improvement when contemplated by a well informed mind, than the soundest and best reasonings of an author of the rank of his antagonist; and though we admit that, instructive as he is to persons who are above being misled, the young and inexperienced cannot be too much on their guard against him, yet we fear that the antidote is not to be found in the Principes du Droit Politique.

We shall lay before our readers a few passages, to shew this author's sentiments and turn of mind:

Philosophy, always palming its seditious declamations under the fair name of liberty, has for a long time denied to sovereigns the right of imprisoning an individual, without recourse being had to judicial forms. I regard this pretension as one of the first causes, nay, I may say, one of the immediate causes of the French revolu tion; and the epoch, in which sovereigns shall yield to it, will be that of the destruction of their empires.'

So the existence of an habeas corpus act is inconsistent with that of a well regulated state! The Chief Consul has no objection to this doctrine, if the report be true that several individuals of our neighbouring metropolis have not merely been im

prisoned