Ireland, would be fatisfactory to her wishes. If they were not, both nations would know who to thank for the confequences. The minifters had long and inveterate prejudices to deal with in this kingdom, which obliged them to defer relief to Ireland, until England faw the propriety of it. When fuch prejudices prevailed, it was neceffary perhaps that fome inconveniences fhould be felt from the prevalence of fimilar prejudices in others, and thus, that the oppofite paffions of nien balancing each other, might bring them all at length to reafon. Hiftory confirmed this principle; and it has been feldom or ever known, that one narrow felfintereft in ftates has been got the better of, but in the conflict with fome other. It would be hard to make the prefent minifters answerable for the natural course of things.

The debates were long, various, and interesting. All the wit, ability, and eloquence of the oppofition, were thrown out without measure or referve against the minifters. On their fide, they exerted themselves much more than they had done in the Houfe of Lords. The two great leaders and speakers of the oppofition in that houfe took a large thare in the debate, and were as ufual diftinguished. The appearance of Mr. Fox, after his recovery from the wound which he had received in the late duel, occafloned by fomething that had fallen from him on the first day of the feflion, afforded matter of much general curiofity; and that incident feemed now to have produced a renovation, rather than

any detraction of his former fpirit.

The queftion being put at half after twelve o'clock, the motion was rejected, upon a divifion, by a majority of 173, to 100.

An unexpected motion 7th. made on the following day by the Duke of Richmond, brought on a confiderable debate in the House of Lords. The noble duke having ftated the vast combination of force which was formed against this country, which was left without friend or ally; the fufpicious or unfavourable appearance of some powers who were not in declared enmity, and the total indifference, at beft, of all others; then entered into a detailed ftatement of our prefent vaft military establifhments by fea and land ; which, including the late augmentation of above 20,000 men to the land force, would not fall much fhort, he fhewed, in both departments, of 300,000 men. He proceeded to argue, that it would exceed the ability of any power whatever in Europe, fupport, for any continuance, this prodigious force, by fea and land, at the enormous expence which it created to this country. Without at all taking into the account, that the commercial loffes of this country, including those of all kinds which proceeded from the defection of her colonies, far exceeded in extent, what could well have fallen to the lot of any

other state.

to

He then proceeded to examine the fate of our refources, and laid down the actual expences of the war. He fhewed, by a number of calculations, that if the war only continued to the end of

the

the enfuing year, and was only to confume the provifion which parliament was now making for its fupport, it would, by that time, complete an addition from its beginning, of fixty-three millions to the former national debt; the whole then amounting to very little fhort of two hundred millions. And, that as the minifter had given on an average about fix per cent. for the new debt, the standing intereft of the whole would not amount to lefs than eight millions fterling annually; a tribute, to the payment of which, all the landed property in England was to be for ever mortgaged.

Such, he faid, would be the ftate of this country with respect to its finances at the clofe of the following year; and it would only be better by twelve millions, were peace to be concluded at the inftant he was fpeaking. Under fo vaft a burthen, an expenditure conftantly increafing, and which already exceeded all measure and example, the most exact and rigid public economy, along with the most liberal exertions of public fpirit, were abfolutely neceffary for our prefervation. Our formidable neighbour and enemy had fet us the exam. ple of economy. Whilft the English were bent down to the earth under the preffure of their burthens, and the induftry of our minifter was exhaufted, in multiplying new and vexatious, but unproductive objects of taxation, France, through the ability of her minifter, by a judicious reform in the collection and expenditure of her finances, had not yet laid a fingle tax on her people for the

fupport of the war. How different was the conduct in this country. Inftead of any attempt. towards the practice, or even any profeffion or pretence of economy, our expenditure was fo fhamefully lavith, as to furpass all recorded example of wafte and mifmanagement, in the weakest and most corrupt governments.

Our affairs were now, however, he said, arrived at fuch a point of diftrefs and danger, as laid us under an abfolute neceffity of recurring to that neverfailing fource of wealth, econo· my. We could not otherwife hope to work out our national falvation. It must begin fomewhere, and in fo trying a feafon as the prefent, he could not but be of opinion, that the example fhould come from the fovereign. It would then have a great and general effect; and he could not doubt, that after fuch a beginning, there was one of their lordfhips, who would not chearfully relinquish fuch a part of their public emoluments, as his majefty might think proper to recommend, The example would go ftill farther. It would fpread through the different departments of the ftate; it would influence the conduct, and excite the public fpirit of individuals; and it would likewife, in its effect, tend to reftrain that boundless profufion in the public expenditure which at prefent prevailed. He did not wish to abridge the crown of any thing which was neceffary to fupport its fplendour and dignity. He was certain his intended motion could not at all produce that effect. Parliament had, a few years before, augmented the civil

He accordingly moved for an addrefs to the following purportTo be feech his majefty to reflect on the manifold diftreffes and difficulties, in which this country' is involved, and too deeply felt to ftand in need of enumerationTo reprefent, that amidst the many and various matters that require reformation, and muft undergo correction, before this country can rife fuperior to its powerful enemies, the wafte of public treasure requires inftant remedyThat profufion is not vigour; and that it is become indifpenfably neceffaty to adopt that true conomy, which, by reforming all ufelefs expences, creates confidence in government, gives energy to its exertions, and provides the means for their continuance. -Humbly to fubmit to his majefty, that a confiderable reduction of the civil lift, would be an example well worthy his majefty's paternal affection for his people, and his own dignity; could not fail of diffufing its influence through every department of the ftate, and would add true luftre to his crown, from the grateful feelings of a diftreffed people.And, to affure his majefty, that this Houfe will readily concur in promoting to defirable a purpofe; and that every one of its members will chearfully fubmit to fuch reduction of emolument in any office

The lords in adminiftration agreed in general with the noble duke, as to the reprefentation of public affairs which he had laid down as the grounds of his motion. We were certainly involved in a dangerous and expenfive war, and obliged to contend with one of the moft formidable confederacies that Europe had ever beheld. They likewife acknowledged, that there had been fome want of economy during the prefent administration; but they rather confidered this circumstance as incident to a state of war, than as being peculiar to the minifters. They, however, wifhed, that a more clear and fatisfactory manner was adopted in ftating the public accounts, and that the ftrictest aconomy fhould be practifed in the public expenditure.

But they oppofed the motion, with refpect to its direct and principal object, on various grounds; particularly from a conviction that it could not be of any fervice, and confidering it, besides, as being of an improper tendency. The mode, they said, was totally inadequate to its object, of extricating us in any degree from our prefent difficulties; at the fame time that it conveyed a cenfure upon the former proceedings of that Houfe, in the augmentation of the civil lift. It was inconfiftent and unjuft to attempt to withdraw from his majefty what had been fo unanimoufly granted to him by parliament. It would be paltry and mean to tax the falaries of the fervants of the crown; and the revenue fo raised would

be

be trifling, and totally incompetent to any of the great purposes of national expenditure. If we If we were reduced to fuch an extremity of diftrefs as rendered the meafure indifpenfably neceffary, let the contributions from the public benevolence or fpirit be general and optional; let us follow the example of Holland in fuch a fituation, where money was received, without any fpecification, in the public treasury, and without its being in any degree accountable for.

Whatever fyftem of economy might be adopted, it fhould not by any means, they said, begin at the crown; the fplendour of which fhould at all events be maintained, as including in it the honour and dignity of the empire. Economy fhould be directed to the various departments which were connected with the public expenditure, fo that their refpective bufinefs might be prudently and honeftly administered. They were all interested in fupporting the honour and dignity of the crown; and they must all partake in the fatisfaction of that increafe of the royal family, which increased the neceflity of an ample revenue. Were we fallen to that deplorable and abject state, to be under a neceffity of publifhing to all the world, that we were unable to continue that income which we had fo freely granted to his majetty? Such a proceeding would fink and degrade us fo much in the eyes of all Europe, that inftead of afford ing any benefit, it would be productive of great national preju

dize.

The noble lord at the head of the law encountered the motion, with all the weight of his own great natural abilities, as well as with that refined fubtilty and acuteness of argument, which may in fome degree be confidered as profeffional. He afked, who knew of thofe diftreffes which were stated in the motion? How were they before the Houfe? From what inveftigation of their lordships, as a house of parliament, was fuch a refult drawn? Another affertion, he faid, was furely of too much importance to be hazarded on mere fpeculation. The motion ftated that "the wafte of public treafure, required inftant remedy." If the fact were fo, the department of government ought to be directly pointed out, in which the wafte of the public treafure lay; otherwife the charge was unjust, because it applied alike to all public offices. If the fact were not true, the injuftice was manifeftly fill greater. No kind of proof had been offered; much lefs had the fact been even attempted to be eftablished in parliamentary form. Such being the cafe, he fubmitted to the House, how far it would be decent, how far it would be juft, to vote an addrefs, which, in any part of it, contained a general and undefined charge against the king's fervants.

As to the main propofitions, which included the fubftance of the motion, he objected to the want of fpecification, as he did to the defect of proof with respect to the preceding affertions. What was to be understood by the words confulerable reduction › Did they fignify a moiety, or two thirds