bound as an honeft man to declare, that the influence of the crown had increased far beyond the ideas of a monarchy strictly limited in its nature and extent.

Such doctrines and opinions, coming from fuch an authority, Could not but produce fome confiderable effc&t. The fpeaker likewife obferved to the committee, that it might poffibly be very galling to them to be informed of their duty by the petitioners; but they fhould recollect that it was entirely their own fault. He was forry, in one fenfe, to fee thofe petitions before them; because he was of opinion, that the houfe, confcious of its own duty, fhould have prevented the neceflity. What the petitioners now demanded, should have originated within their own walls; and then, what now would bear too much the appearance of compulfion, would have been received with gratitude on the one fide, and conferred with credit and a good grace on the other. But at any rate they were to confider, that they were then fitting as the reprefentatives of the people, and folely for their advantage and berefit; and that they in duty stood pledged to that people, who were their creators, for the faithful difcharge of their trust.

The Lord Advocate of Scotland, in order to obtain a negative to the motion, propofed to ftrengthen the propofition in fuch a manner, as, he thought, muft of neceffity occafion its rejection. He accordingly moved as an amendment the following words, "That it is "now neceffary to declare," an amendment which the oppofition (undoubtedly from a fenfe of their trength) readily, and perhaps

unexpectedly agreed to. The amended queftion then ftood thus,-That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is now neceffary to declare, that the influence of the crown is increased, increafing, and ought to be dimi nifhed.

The committee divided about 12 o'clock, when the motion fo amended was carried by a majority of 18 the numbers being 233, who fupported Mr. Dunning's propofition, to 215, who voted with adminiftration against it. Thus the minifter, a fecond time in this feffion, found himself in a minority.

66

Mr. Dunning then moved his fecond propofition, "That it is. competent to this houfe to exa“mine into, and to correct abuses "in the expenditure of the civil "lift revenues, as well as in "every other branch of the pub"lic revenue, whenever it hall "feem expedient to the wisdom "of this house so to do."

Although the minifter requested that the committee would not proceed any farther that night, the queftion was notwithstanding put, and carried without a division. But the new majority, after the vexation of fo many years labour in the ineffective efforts of a minority, were now determined to make the most of the advantages afforded by their new fituation. Mr. T. Pitt, accordingly (who had taken a most active and spirited part in the debates of the day) moved the following refolution, That it is the opinion of this committee, "that it is the duty

of this houfe to provide, as far "as may be, an immediate and "effectual redrefs of the abuses

com

"the

"complained of in the petitions "prefented to this houfe, from different counties, cities, and towns in this kingdom." The minifter again intreated and implored, but with no better fuccefs than before, that the committee would not proceed any farther for that night. No ground of argument being taken againft, nor oppofition whatever made to this conclufive motion, it was carried in the affirmative without an apparent diffent.

The bufinefs was not, however, yet over. The house being refumed, Mr. Fox moved, that the refolutions fhould be immediately reported. This was oppofed by the minifter, with all the force he yet retrained, as being unufual, violent, and arbitrary. But the torrent was too ftrong to be refifted. The refolutions were feverally reported and received; and, after being read a first and fecond time, were agreed to, and confirmed by the houfe, without a divifion.

Such was the complete and decifive victory gained, in behalf of the petitions, by the oppofition, on that extraordinary and memorable day. The exultation and triumph on one fide of the house, was only equalled by the evident depreffion and difmay which prevailed on the fide of adminiftration. In deed the appearance of things was fufficient to ftrike the boldelt with difmay; nor does it feem, that any propofition could have been brought fairly before the houfe on that night, which, in the fpirit that then prevailed, would not have been carried against the minifters. When the nature and the tendency of the questions are

confidered, and the manner in which they were carried, is attentively viewed, fcarcely any thing more important feems to have. been fo propofed and carried fince the revolution. The fyftem of the court was fhaken to its foundations. Without doors, the joy and triumph in moft parts of: England, as well in most of the counties that did not petition, as in thofe that did, was great and general; and though not difplayed in the fame manner, would not perhaps have been exceeded, on occafion of the most decifive. victory over a foreign enemy.

It can be no matter of furprize, that under the preffure of fuch circumstances, and pushed without mercy on all fides as he was, the minister fhould in fome inftances. be thrown off his guard fo much, as to fhew ftrong marks of indignation and refentment; more ef pecially when keen perfonal reproach was fuperadded to the general fenfe of misfortune. This effect was particularly produced by the feverity of fome ftrictures: thrown out by Mr. Thomas Pitt; who obferved, that there could. not be a more indubitable proof of the enormous and deftructive influence of the crown, than that noble lord afforded in the poffeffion of his prefent office, after fo many years of lofs, misfortune, and calamity, as had already marked the fatal courfe of his adminiftration. He asked, whether that noble lord had not loft America? Whether he had not fquandered many millions of the public money, and wafted rivers of blood of the fubjects of Great Britain. And yet, though the whole country with one voice cried

out

out against him, and execrated his American war, the noble lord ftill held his place. Could this poffibly be afcribed to any other caufe than to the overgrown influence of the crown, along with that daring exertion of it, which fets the voice and the interefts of the people at nought? The noble lord, he faid, had funk and degraded the honour of Great Britain; the name of an Englishman was now no longer a matter to be proud of; the time had been when it was the envy of all the world: it had been the introduction to univerfal respect, but the noble lord had contrived to fink it almost beneath contempt. He had rendered his countrymen and their country defpicable in the eyes of every other power. It must have required more than a common fhare of philofophy to remain unmoved, under fuch a weight of invective, and under charges of fuch a na

ture.

On the next day of April 10th. bufinefs, the houfe being in a committee on the fubject of the petitions, Mr. Dunning, in pursuance of his plan, moved a refolution to the following purport, That in order to fecure the independence of parliament, and to obviate all fufpicions of its purity, that within feven days after the meeting of parliament, every feffion, there be laid before that house, by the proper officer, an account of all monies paid out of the civil lift, or any part of the public revenue, to or for the use, or in truft, for any member of parliament, fince the laft recefs, by every perfon who fhall have paid the fame.

This motion was but faintly

oppofed; the principal grounds of argument being, that the commons paffing refolutions, which were in fact tefts, might occafion fome difference with the other houfe; and the old doctrine, of the indelicacy of fuppofing, that men of honour and character could be biaffed in their public opinions and votes, by the confideration of any paltry emoluments. Thefe were however overruled, and the refolution carried without difficulty.

Mr. Dunning then moved, That the perfons holding the offices of treafurer of the chamber, treasurer of the houthold, cofferer of the houfhold, comptroller of the houthold, mafter of the houthold, clerks of the green cloth, with all their deputies, be rendered incompatible with a feat in that houfe. Thus avowedly endeavouring to remedy, fo far as it could now be done, the failure of that claufe in Mr. Burke's etahlishment bill, which went to the total abolition of those very offices. This motion was warmly oppofed, and brought out fome confiderable debate, in which the propriety of place bills, with the feveral quali fications and exceptions to the principle, were much and ingeniously agitated. It was, however, more ftrenuously oppofed in act, in the ftruggle of an exceedingly clofe divifion, than even in argument. The queftion being called for at a late hour, the motion was carried, in a very full houfe, by a majority of two only; the numbers, upon a divifion, being 215, to 213. This was the minifter's third minority. However, he feemed to gather ftrength.

Thus far, the new majority had kept their ground. Experience, however,

however, foon taught them, that they could only hold it on certain queftions, and in certain feasons.

The first check they re13th. received was on the fecond reading of Mr. Crew's bill, for excluding revenue officers from voting on the election of members of parliament. As this bill was on the fame principle with that which had been brought forward by the late Mr. Dowdefwell about ten years before, the ground of argument was neceffarily the fame on both fides which we then stated; with this addition on one, that the prefent bill went to two of the great objects of the petitions, to diminish the influence of the the crown, and to restore or fecure the independence of parliament; the oppofition from thence contending, that the house was bound by its own late determinations to fupport the bill. The debate was long, and the queftion frongly argued on both fides. The one, holding out the ir justice and cruelty of depriving a great body of men of their franchifes, without any crime proved or alledged to justify the forfeiture; and the other infifting, that the bill would deprive them of no franchises, for that no revenue officer, while he continued fuch, either did or could poffefs a free vote: fo that instead of injuftice or cruelty, it would be a great relief to thefe people, as it would fave them from the hard neceffity, of either voting against their inclination and confcience, or of lofing their places; the bill did not deprive, it only fufpended the officer's franchife, until he was in a fitua tion which would admit of his exercifing it properly, that is, with

out reftraint; the option either of holding his place, or of exerciíing his franchife, would always lie with himself.

The bill was, however, thrown out upon a divifion, about ten at night, by a majority of 224, to 195; fo well was the house attended at this time --The illness of the speaker, on the following day, occafioned a fudden ceffation. The houfe was adjourned unto the 24th day of the month.

During this interval, the contractor's bill brought out long and very confiderable debates in the Houfe of Lords. Upon the second reading, the Duke of Bolton havDuke of Bolton hav. April 14th. ing moved that the bill fhould be committed, a powerful and determined oppofition on the fide of adminiftration immediately appeared, in which the fecretaries of fate, and both the great law lords in office took a principal fhare.

The court lords infifted, that the principle of the bill was false, and that it propofed manifeft injuftice. It was likewife a direct infringement of that great prerogative of the crown, which fets it above all controul whatever, in the articles of making and conducting war. The principle was falfe, in fuppofing dishonesty and corruption without any manner of evidence. It was cruel and unjust, in inflicting punishment without proof of criminality or guilt. It would deprive a refpectable body of men of their natural rights, as well as of their municipal franchifes, without the fmalleft charge, or even pretence, of their having committed any act which could incur a forfeiture. Indeed it reached

to

to thofe who could commit no act, for it decreed punishment to men yet unborn.

With all its other enormities, the bil, they faid, went to the direct fubverfion of the conftitution, by depriving the people of England of their inherent and invaluable right, of choofing thofe perfons whom they trufted and liked, to be their reprefentatives in parliament. Nor was its tendency more unjust to individuals, more injurious to the prerogative, or more inimical to the conftitution, than it would be found pernicious to the public service of the flate in time of war. For it would deter all reputable merchants and gentlemen of character, who had a nice fenfe of honour, and who were not difpofed to forfeit the common rights and franchifes of citizens, from fupplying our fleets and armies, upon any terms, with thofe neceffaries, which it would frequently happen, that no others could furnish. And at any rate, it would throw the bufinefs entirely into the hands of men, who either wanted means and ability to fulfil their contracts, or inclination and honefly to fulfil them properly.

The bill indeed provides, that those who become contractors at a public bidding, after 25 days previous notice given in the Gazette, fhall not be fubject to its penalties; that is, they will not be rendered incapable of a feat in the Houfe of Commons. But the circumftances and exigencies of war are frequently fuch, as to require the greatest poffible dispatch, and the most inviolable fecrecy. It may frequently happen that the lofs of half that time in providing the

ftores or neceffaries which were wanted, would be attended with the most ruinous confequences: and fuch a public advertifement would befides afford direct information to the enemy of the nature and defign, of whatever expedition or enterprize was then in contemplation. It was frequently neceffary, they faid, to provide for future as well as prefent exigencies in contracts. Their very nature often forbids their being public. The mode of public advertisement now propofed, would likewile enhance the prices of the commodity ia fuch a degree, that the executive officers of government would be incapable of carrying on the public bufinefs.

Were then, they faid, the gentlemen, who performed fuch eminent and effential fervices to their country, as the provision of thofe fupplies, without which fleets and armies are ineffectual, to be, for that reafon only, debarred from ferving it in another inanner, for which, by their fortunes and abilities, they might probably be no lefs qualified? Was it a part of the fyitem included in the prefent rage of novelty and reform, either to banish the mercantile interest from the Houfe of Commons, or to place the existence of our fleets and armies in the hands of beggars and bankrupts ?

They reprobated in high terms the indignity offered to the hu man heart and underlanding, in fuppofing that men of character, fortune, and fenfe, would forfeit their good name and reputation, and facrifice thofe public interefts in which they were to deeply concerned, by protituting their votes in parliament for the paltry

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