MARCH 13, 1830.] The Tariff [H. of R. culture enjoyed an unexampled and unequalled prosperi-the great staples of the South, which depend principally ty, our manufactures alone were depressed; those who on foreign demand for a market. This objection I have had supplied our soldiers with blankets and clothing, to frequently heard replied to, by the observation, that Europrotect them against the rigors of a Canadian climate, pean manufacturers cannot do without our principal staple were alone unable to join in the song of grateful joy, of export. If this remark is true in relation to cotton, it which sounded from one extremity of this Union to the is false in relation to rice, flour, and other productions: other. A sympathy, founded in the noblest feelings of the but it is not true even of cotton. Where are the fertile human heart, was excited in their favor; the generous plains of South America? The cotton of Egypt, even unSouth itself extended the fostering hand of protection; it der the arbitrary government of a Turkish Pacha, (which was no time for the discussion of constitutional questions, must, in some measure, paralyse the industry of his suband, in 1816, the wedge, the fatal wedge, was entered, [jects,) competes with ours in European markets. In the and it has been driven, and driven, until it has produced a East Indies, where the cotton is indigenous, it requires schism between the different sections of this country, nothing but the substitution of European skill and induswhich God grant may not prove incurable. Even then try to drive our cotton, as it has our indigo, (with the some of our statesmen (whose names will ever shine con- slightest disadvantage against us,) from every foreign marspicuous on the pages of American history) saw, through ket. To effect this, it does not require the adoption of the mists of general delusion, the outlines of that moun- retaliatory measures on the part of other Governments. tain, which now threatens to burst upon us with all the Commerce is an exchange of equivalents, and there is noforce of a volcano. In vain did those faithful sentinels thing which makes it the interest of nations, whose prowarn their countrymen of the danger which was approach-ductions are excluded, to continue with us a losing trade; ing; the current of sympathy was too strong to be resist- their merchants and manufacturers, not from hostility to ed, and the door was widely opened, through which the us, but from a regard to their own preservation, must look constitution has been assailed, and the inhabitants of one for some market to purchase, where they can also sell. portion of this Union been made to pay an enormous tri- By refusing their productions, we destroy their ability to bute to those of another. purchase from us, and we must reap the fruits of such a The Government of the United States being formed for policy, in being excluded from all but our domestic marthe common benefit, and resting upon the broad basis of ket; a market which cannot, under any circumstances, equal rights, it follows that any law which operates une-consume one-half the cotton now produced in the Southqually is a violation of its principles. That the tariff of 1828 ern States. operates with great inequality, there is no doubt; if it does Some contend, that if our tariff was originally impolitic, not, why do some regard it as a blessing, while others de- its passage has induced many to embark their fortunes in nounce it as the worst of evils? From whence arises the dis-manufactures, and that we are bound, from considerations content of the people of the Southern States? Do not add in- of good faith, to continue it in existence. sult to injury, by telling them that the evils of which they Sir, we do not live under a government of precedents, complain are imaginary; they will not believe you. Gentle- but under a written constitution, which was intended to men may say that a tax upon imports is a tax exclusively up- limit our power; and if we discover that we have overon the consumer; that consumption for the most part is pro- leaped the bounds of that constitution, yea, more, if we portioned to population, and therefore the burdens of the discover that we have legislated for partial objects, or tariff are equalized. Sir, I admit that the burdens of the passed laws which drain the resources of the merchant system are felt by all, but I deny that they are in an equal and planter to the coffers of the manufacturer, we should degree. There is not, in the science of political econo-repeal them, even if the certain consequence was the ruin my, a proposition more susceptible of demonstration, than of every manufacturer in the nation. that a tax upon importation operates indirectly as a tax Other Governments are formed, for the most part, from upon exportations. Some of the States export to a much history and experience; under them the only obstacles greater extent than others; and thus it is that the tariff opposed to the encroachments of power and prerogative, operates unequally. A single example will illustrate the on the liberties of the people, originate from immemorial proposition. We will suppose that ten pounds of cotton usages, or such expressions of popular rights as have would purchase one yard of woollen cloth, free from duty; been at different times extorted from the unwilling hands add fifty per cent. on the value to the yard of cloth for of power. In Governments having no other checks, it is duty, and it will require fifteen pounds of cotton to pay essential to the appearance of national liberty, that prefor it. I will submit it to the impartial consideration of cedents should have the force of constitutions. Not so gentlemen, whether that provision in the constitution, with ours; all the power which we can legitimately exerwhich directs that "no tax or duty shall be laid on arti- cise, we derive from a written constitution; and the powers cles exported from any State," is not violated by a duty not given by it are expressly reserved to the "States or which indirectly operates as a tax upon exportation. This to the people." Here a doubtful power cannot be sancobjection, if it exists, is more particularly applicable to a duty on cotton bagging, than on any other article, for it is used for no other purpose than to confine cotton, in order that it may be exported. Under the tariff of 1828, the average duties amount to much more than fifty per cent. Is it not monstrous, sir, that the people of any portion of this country should be compelled to pay more than onehalf of their income for the support of Government--for the support of Government, did I say? Not so--but to build up, in this republican country, the worst of all aristocracies, an aristocracy of wealth. tioned by use, nor become, by precedent, a matter of right. There is no subject in the range of national legislation, upon which my constitutents feel so much alarm, or which they have so unanimously deprecated, as the power assunied by Congress to regulate individual industry. They not only regard it as the offspring of unauthorized construction, and an exercise of power not intended to be given by those who framed or by those who adopted the constitution, but they fear its exercise must lead to the greatest abuse. Fear, did I say? They know its direct tendency is to engender those local feelings, and sectional animoThis is surely enough, but it is not the worst evil we sities, which every man who desires the Union to continue, have to apprehend from that system which has been forced must regard as the worst of evils. Why do the inhabitupon us by the clamorous importunities of interested ants of this country regard each other with prejudice, dismonopolists. You must unchain our commerce; you must trust, and suspicion? The answer is obvious. Congress reduce duties which amount almost to prohibition on fo- has assumed the exercise of powers which has awakened reign importations, or drive us from foreign markets, and individual cupidity, and local interests have contended for utterly destroy the value of those productions, embracing ascendancy, and usurped in the halls of legislation that H. of R.] The Tariff. MARCH 13, 1830. were destined to pay a tribute to the descendants of those who by his side had breasted the storm of battle. place which should be consecrated to patriotism and virtue. that his descendants were to become the oppressors of I know there is not a gentleman on this floor who would their fellow-citizens. When the soldier of the South died not repel the influence of sectional feeling, in legislating on the plains of Camden, little did he think that his sons for the American people; but such are the deceits of the human heart, that such feelings may exercise an influence on our opinions, of which we are not aware. Let us en- After that war was terminated, cach State constituted deavor to resist their influence. Let our motto be, "our within itself a separate and independent sovereignty, and country!" With this motto, we will march under the ban- each was perfectly competent to continue so. Common ner of the constitution and of equal rights, to great and interest, however, soon united them in a league, which enduring national prosperity; sectional feelings and ani- experience soon proved to be inadequate to the great mosities will be forgotten, and the inhabitants of the East, purposes of Government. Afterwards, the constitution West, and South will again hail each other as brothers and of the United States, enlarging and more clearly defining friends, under the common title of American citizens. the powers of the General Government, was formed and Sir, I cannot contemplate without horror the conse-adopted. quences of a different course. Discontent to the existing Never, to all appearances, was there a Government duties is universal at the South. The people believe that formed under such auspicious circumstances. The his they are burdened by an almost insupportable taxation; tory of all ages and all nations was open before its frabut even of this they would not complain, if the object mers; they saw that ambition, avarice, and oppression was national. In every trial you have found them ready; had defaced almost every page of that history; that Gothey ever have been ready, at their country's call, to meet vernments the best founded had not been able to withstand her invaders; therefore, accuse them not of a want of pa- the desolating influence of human passion; and that Time, triotism. But I tell you that discontent, I had almost said in his resistless course, had swept away the proudest despair, is general at the South. A cloud has lowered monuments of political wisdom. Its framers were com on the prospects of the patriot and philanthropist, and posed of heroes, statesmen, and sages, who had devoted many think, without a change of measures, the day is not their lives to the service of their country; and fondly did distant when a regard to their own preservation will com- they hope that the Government they had formed was so pel them to scek, under the protection of the State Go- carefully guarded against abuse, that, when centuries vernments, a refuge from the usurpations of the National should have rolled their courses in the tide of time, it Legislature. They have endured much--they will still would still remain a blessing to their posterity. Can it be bear much; but rely upon it, there is a spirit at the South, possible, sir, that this glorious Government is destined to which will not wait until her cities are deserted, and her fall a sacrifice to the monopolizing spirit of a few visionary country made desolate. Neither will her sons turn their manufacturers? If I were a manufacturer myself, I would backs upon the homes of their ancestors, to seek in some not hesitate to see every manufactory in this nation sunk more favored land a refuge from your exactions; they into the depths of the ocean before I would endanger the exwill defend their homes-they will resist your tyranny, istence of the Union. If there is a gentleman on this floor "peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must." who would hesitate between these alternatives, let him an I appeal to the gentlemen from the South, the news-nounce it! I know there cannot be one. But such is the papers of the day, and, lastly, to my noble but oppressed fact! Let those who doubt, go to the South, and judge constituents, and ask if this description is exaggerated. for themselves. They will there see a people almost in If gentlemen wish this Union to continue, let them adopt the agonies of despair, who would willingly die in defence the means of preserving it; if they are not prepared to of the Union, but who are determined not to submit to surrender the last home of freedom upon earth, I beg laws which they think are in violation of the constitution; them to consider upon what may be the consequences of and which, if continued, they believe must convert a prostheir measures. Let avarice usurp in this hall the place perous country into a waste and desert. of patriotism and virtue; let the majority acknowledge It is immaterial, sir, whether this opinion is founded in no rule of conduct but sectional interest, and the days of reality or in misconception; the effect is the same. Opi this Union are numbered! Will gentlemen wait until nion is the only tribunal to which they have, or to which resistance to the laws of this Government commences, they can appeal; and opinion has pronounced the tariff before they extend relief? It may prove a fatal delay! unconstitutional. Admit the federal court to be the triLet the States be once arrayed against each other; let the bunal appointed by the constitution, and what redress can sword of civil war once be drawn, and where, where, sir, it afford? That law is upon its face constitutional; and no will the conflict end? It will be no transient cloud, pass-court can pronounce it to be otherwise, even if, in the ing over our political horizon, soon to leave our prospects opinion of its judges, it violated every principle of the bright as ever; it will be no petty insurrection; but the constitution. Congress has the right to lay duties for people of a large portion of this country believe that revenue; and no judicial tribunal can assume the legisla their rights as citizens have been outraged; and, should tive power of determining what amount of duty is for rethe crisis arise, (which God forbid,) when it may be ne-venue, and what for protection. Change the title of your cessary to defend those rights by force, the spirit of the law; let it profess to be what it is; call it an act for the proSouth will have departed, her sons will have forgotten tection of domestic manufactures and the destruction of that when a people have not the courage to defend their rights they are no longer worthy to be free, if they do not, with one accord, rise in their defence, and protect, with their dearest blood, the glorious inheritance of their fathers. foreign commerce;" and then, if an individual complains that he is oppressed by its operation, the federal court may afford him relief; but, until this is done, it is derision to direct the sufferer to that court. upon their Having made these few remarks upon the principles of In the struggle which resulted in the independence of the existing revenue laws, and to show their unequal bear this country, the soldiers of the revolution did not endure ings, I will proceed to make a few observations the hardships of a desolating war, to enable a portion of general expediency. their descendants to oppress the rest. The sufferings which This country, sir, certainly possesses every advantage they then endured were intended to benefit their whole for the raising of raw produce. The nations of Europe, posterity, and to establish a Government, extending its on the contrary, with a population that cannot find embenefits equally to all. When the soldier of New Eng-ployment in agriculture and commerce, possess every adland laid down his life on the field of Bunker's hill, his last vantage to manufacture cheaply. If we can exchange moments would have been embittered by the reflection four produce for double the amount of European manufac MARCH 13, 1830.] The Tariff. [II. of R. tures that we can for American, is it not obviously our ing the price of articles which necessarily enter into the advantage to exchange with the European manufacturer? consumption of every family, to drain from the poor the To an unsophisticated mind, this question conveys with means of their subsistence. Let us differ, sir, as much as it an evident proposition. But the rulers of this nation we may, with regard to the policy of restricting comhave thought differently. In imitation of a system of mo-merce, or the constitutionality of taxing the Southern nopoly, which originated in an age of comparative bar-planter for the benefit of the Northern manufacturer, we barism, (and which is now discarded by every liberal poli-must all concur in one opinion--of the inhumanity of those tician of that nation which has carried it to the greatest laws, which bear with a more than proportional hardship extent,) we have fettered the industry of our constitu- upon the poor and industrious. commercial. ents, and closed against them the sources of that prosperi- It is useless to expect manufactories in this country to ty which has made them great and powerful. By limit- afford an adequate market for our raw produce, or to being the field of enterprise, we have caused a reduction come the source of national wealth, until they are able to in the price of every production which depends on foreign compete, upon equal terms, with the manufactories of demand for a market, and brought to the verge of a pre-other countries. This they cannot do, until the price of lamature decline the commercial and agricultural interests bor here is proportionate to the price of labor in Europe. of the country. That labor is not as cheap in this country as in others, Nature has legislated for the people of this country; her is to be attributed not more to our free institutions, than laws are inscribed on your fertile valleys; she has declar-to natural causes. The territory of the United States is ed, that, to be prosperous, they must be agricultural and imperfectly settled; her forests are still uncleared, and We have endeavored to resist her mandates; much of her most fertile soil untrodden. In the cheerful we have attempted to transplant into this country a spe- walks of agriculture, the husbandman may find a sufficies of industry, which requires a starving population for cient employment, and a bountiful reward for his indusits support; we have attempted, by legislative enactments, try; while this continues the case, he will not desert his to convert the freemen of America into spinners and wea- smiling and variegated fields for the gloom of a manufacvers. What, sir, has been the consequence? Let those tory, nor exchange the proud independence of a landwho represent manufacturers answer, if they have not holder for the situation of a hireling. experienced the most disastrous consequences from the tariff of 1828. I am informed that almost every branch of industry, which was intended to be protected by that iniquitous law, has experienced a calamitous reaction. If this is true, and I have not heard it contradicted, does it not afford a sufficient commentary upon the policy of the protecting system? This state of things will not always continue. When our forests shall have yielded to the axe of the husbandman; when the wilderness of the West shall be spotted with fields and villages; when generations shall have passed away, and busy millions of freemen teem on the shores of the far distant Pacific, then, and not till then, will manufactures flourish. Whenever there is a population in this country which cannot find employment in agriculture and commerce, less inviting pursuits will be sought for, and manufactories will arise without the aid of protecting laws, and flourish without taxing other branches of industry for their support. I would inquire, what interest has the West in the tariff, which can compensate to her the disadvantages which it produces? Does she want protection for her iron? Her distance from the ocean secures it from foreign competition; upon her distilled spirits she may retain the existing duties, and no one will complain. For her hemp she So far, sir, from believing that any effectual relief will does not need protection, such are her facilities of raising be extended at present to the depressed interests of the that production: the duty upon it must soon be nominal. country, I have risen under the painful conviction that The West has carried on a valuable trade with the South even the drawback which we ask on cotton bagging will in live stock; and I will ask, if every advantage combined, be denied us. Do not, sir, understand me to intimate which she derives from the tariff, is sufficient to compen- that there is a disposition in the majority of Congress to sate for the loss of this trade. The West wants popula- oppress the South; I entertain no such apprehension. But tion-then why should she support a system, which must the friends of restriction are convinced that if the union prevent emigration, by concentrating population in the of interests which at present binds them together, could old States? Sir, with deference to the gentlemen who once be broken, their system would fall under its own represent the West, I say, her best interests would be weight; they are thoroughly convinced, that if a single promoted by an amelioration of the tariff. If so, why ingredient were lost out of that singular mixture of "cotdoes she not unite with the South in breaking the fetters ton bagging, woollens, iron, salt, mill duck, and molasof an iron policy, which is injurious to both? ses," those interested in the remnant would not have the If the New Englander complains that he can produce power to force so nauseous a dose on the American people. nothing for market on his cold and rocky soil, the bright Sir, it cannot be concealed that a majority of this House and sunny fields of the South invite him to a more propi-have adopted the determination to curb, as much as postious clime; let him come, we will receive him as a bro-sible, the discussion of this subject-a determination ther, and make him a citizen. If he is without a home, which leaves us nothing to hope, until the great mass of the West and Southwest invite him to a land where, with the people in the East or West are convinced that the moderate industry, he may become a freeholder, and have restrictive system does not diffuse a general prosperity, every domestic comfort smiling around him-but nature and is only calculated to enrich the wealthy. I think having denied to his section of country the blessings which she has so kindly showered upon the South, affords no reason why he should oppress us. This is not all; he oppresses us without enriching himself; for if the mass of the community have an interest in manufacturing, I am yet to learn it. Do manufactories afford a market for the How long the South will wait for this change, I cannot surplus productions of the farmer? To a limited extent say; it shows a high moral feeling and attachment to the they do; but this market is confined to neighborhoods, Union, that her citizens have waited this long; it shows and is not general. Has the poor man capital to invest in that when convinced that their best interests have been manufactories? No; but if interested at all, it is only as sacrificed at the shrine of the most infatuated doctrines a laborer. Then what, in New England, is the effect of (I say it with deference) that ever disgraced the councils the tariff? Its effect is not only to build up the fortunes of a nation, they have been unwilling to resist the meaof the few at the expense of the many, but, by increas-sures of the General Government. Their forbearance there is most to hope from the people of the West, who, from their situation, the cheapness of land, want of population, and scarcity of money, combined, cannot, surely, long continue in the belief that they are in a condition to manufacture advantageously. H. of R.] Goods destroyed by Fire. [MARCH 13, 1830. crowded with memorials whenever a fire takes place in the United States. The merchants in the interior of the country had as good a right to claim a remission of duties on goods destroyed by fire as the importer. has not proceeded from fear, but patriotism, from a love adopt the principle of the bill, we would have our tables of country, which, so long as there is virtue and intelligence in the people, gives me hope that this Union will continue. But, to ensure this, no single set of men should direct our councils, or by their rapacity plunder the rest. If they do, this Union will indeed form a "rope of sand." Mr. GORHAM, in reply to the argument of Mr. C God grant that this may not prove the case; but that the that the importer ought to have insured his goods, stated, barriers of the constitution, which were intended to re- that part of them were imported only five days before the strain the encroachments of the majority upon the rights fire took place. The importer was consequently deprived of the minority, may be sacredly observed. Then, sr, of both a foreign and domestic market for the goods, will the benefits of the American revolution extend its which, if exported within a certain time, would have been blessings to all future time: the tree of liberty which was entitled to drawback. He referred, in support of the then planted, will not only grow and flourish until it principle of the bill, to several acts passed to remit mospreads its broad branches from the Atlantic to the Paci-neys to collectors of the public taxes, &c. who had been fic Ocean, but such may be the influence of our example, that perhaps it is not too much to hope the day will come, when all the nations of the earth shall repose under its shade. [At the conclusion of his remarks, Mr. C. offered an amendment to the amendment, proposing to reduce the existing duties on salt and iron thirty per cent.] [Here the debate closed for this day.] GOODS DESTROYED BY FIRE. The House then resumed the consideration of the bill "to remit duties paid on goods destroyed by fire," which had been reported some time ago from the Committee of the Whole, with an amendment to strike out the enacting clause (to destroy the bill.) robbed; to the case of Captain Hall, who had been robbed at Marseilles, in France; and to the case of Richard Smith, who had been collector of taxes in Michigan. He referred also to the bills remitting duties on goods destroyed by fire in Portsmouth, Norfolk, Savannah, &c. Mr. McDUFFIE, in opposition to the bill, pursued the same line of argument as Mr. CAMBRELENG. If the im porters ought to be released from the duties on goods destroyed by fire, he asked, what distinction was between them and the consumers? Where would the principle be limited? If the principle of the bill were adopted, he said!] it must be partial in its operation, and partial justice was the greatest injustice. He referred to the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, of which Mr. Lowndes was chairman, made in 1867. It discountenanced the A long debate ensued on the merits of the case, of principle of this bill. He hoped that the bill would not which the following is a very brief outline: pass. Mr. REED, of Massachusetts, rose, and addressed the Mr. SUTHERLAND spoke at length, in support of the House in support of the bill, which he contended was jus- bill. tified by every principle of sound and honest policy. He Mr. CHILTON remarked that he was well satisfied quoted several precedents in the legislation of Congress, the claim under consideration could not, under any prinrecognising the principle of the bill from the foundation ciple of justice or safety, be allowed. He said, he wit of the Government. The intention of Government in im-nessed with some sorrow the prodigal waste of time in posing duties was [he said] that they should finally fall upon urging questions upon the House evidently against its wish, the consumers, although, in the first instance, they were and in opposition to that opinion which was already ex paid by the importers. The goods in question were de- pressed in committee. He was apprised that much im. stroyed by fire; and the effect of retaining the duties paid portant business remained to be done, and that time was on them would be, that the Government would recover speed ly passing away: To reject the bill, and to termi the duties twice from the importers, for they would ne-nate the debate, he would move the previous question. cessarily import again the same quantity which was de- The call for the previous question was sustained, and stroyed. He then referred, in support of the principle of the House agreed that the main question should be put, the bill, to laws allowing duties on stills destroyed to be which set aside the amendment to strike out the enacting refunded--to the bill retaining the duties on goods which clause. were on board a ship captured during the war, while going into St. Mary's, Georgia, to the act remitting the duties on goods destroyed by fire at Savannah, &c. &c. The question recurred on ordering the bill to be engrossed, and read a third time, and was decided in the negative by yeas and nays as follows: Mr. PEARCE opposed the bill. He said it would es- YEAS.-Messrs. Anderson, Arnold, Bailey, Bates, Burtablish a bad precedent; and if the duties were remitted ges, Butman, Cahoon, Carson, Condict, Cooper, Creighto the importer, they ought, on the same principle, to be ton, jr., Crowninshield, John Davis, George Evans, Finch, remitted to the underwriter. He denied there was any Ford, Goodenow, Gorham, Grennell, jr., Hawkins, Hinds, analogy between this case and those cited by the gentle-Hodges, Hughes, Kendall, Kennon, Miller, Pettis, Ramman from Massachusetts. He said the argument of the gentleman would lead to the conclusion that Government would guaranty all goods imported, which through neg lect might be destroyed in the store, or which might be exported by coastwise navigation from the North to the sey, Reed, A. Spencer, Stanbery, Stephens, Sutherland, Wilson, Yancey, Young.-36. NAYS.--Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Angel, Archer, Armstrong, Barber, P. P. Barbour, Barnwell, Barringer, Baylor, Beekman, James Blair, John Blair, Bockee, Borst, South. Brodhead, Brown, Buchanan, Cambreleng, Chandler, Mr. GOODENOW said, every principle of equity justi-Childs, Chilton, Claiborne, Clark, Conner, Coulter, fied the passage of this bill, and that justice should be Cowles, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crawford, Crockett, done without regard to its being quoted as a precedent hereafter. Crocheron, Daniel, Davenport, Warren R. Davis, Deberry, Denny, DeWitt, Dickinson, Doddridge, Drayton, DunMr. CARSON expressed similar sentiments. can, Earll, jr., Ellsworth, Joshua Evans, Horace Everett, Mr. CAMBRELENG said, the effect of the passage of Forward, Foster, Fry, Gilmore, Gordon, Hall, Halsey, this bill would be to encourage the importing merchants Hammons, Harvey, Haynes, Hoffman, Howard, Hubbard, to neglect their business. He attributed the fact of this Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, jr., Irwin, Irvin, Isacks, Johns, claim being made, to the remissness of the importer, who R. M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Kincaid, Perkins King, ought-as every merchant who knows his business does- Adam King, Lamar, Lea, Lecompte, Letcher, Loyall, to have insured his property. This was a case [he said] Lumpkin, Lyon, Magee, Martindale, Thon as Maxwel of gross and palpable negligence; and if the House should] McCreery, McCoy, McDuffie, McIntire, Mitchell, Monell, 1 The Tariff-Public Lands. MARCH 15, 16, 1830.] So the bill was rejected. MONDAY, MARCH 15, 1830. THE TARIFF. The House then resumed the consideration of the resolution moved by Mr. ANDERSON on the 10th instant. The question recurred on the following amendment offered to the same by Mr. POLK: "And to allow also a drawback of four and a half cents per square yard on foreign cotton bagging, exported either in the original packages, or around the cotton bale, to any foreign country." [H. of R. Mr. VINTON then renewed his motion to add the third and fourth sections of the amendment he proposed. Mr CLAY expressed himself as favorable to the objects of this amendment. Mr. WICKLIFFE, Mr. ISACKS, Mr. LEWIS, and Mr. BAYLOR severally spoke in opposition to the amendment. Mr. McCOY, Mr. BURGES, and Mr. VINTON supported it. The blanks in that part of the amendment offered by Mr. VINTON, which specifies the term of imprisonment and the amount of penalty, were filled up; the first with "two years," the latter with "one thousand dollars." The question was then put on agreeing to the two sections offered by Mr. VINTON, and decided in the affirmative. Mr. DODDRIDGE moved to strike out the words " first August," and to insert in lieu thereof" fourth of July," in the first section of the bill; which was agreed to. Mr. VINTON moved to amend the second section, by inserting after the words "possession of" in the eighth Mr. CAMPBELL rose to offer a substitute for the reso-line, the following words: "And actually cultivated and lution and amendment, but, it not being in order, he with-improved by"-drew it. Mr. GORHAM moved to amend the amendment by striking out the words "foreign cotton bagging, &c." and inserting the following: "Cotton bagging made of hemp or flax, and used for securing bales of cotton when the cotton is exported from any State to any other State for consumption, or to any foreign port as merchandise. This amendment was decided in the negative. The amendments were then ordered to be engrossed, and with the bill to be read a third time. [The bill subsequently passed, and was returned to the Senate; which body concurred in the amendments made in the House.] TUESDAY, MARCH 16, 1830. "Also, to allow a drawback of three cents per pound upon all cordage and cables manufactured in the United The House resumed the consideration of the resolution States, and used in the rigging and equipment of ships and offered by Mr. ANDERSON, of Maine, on the 10th invessels in the ports of the United States; and four cents stant, of the amendment offered to the same by Mr. POLK, per pound when exported to foreign places as merchan dise. "Also, to provide that the wool brought into the United States from any foreign place, which shall not cost more than ten cents per pound at the place whence imported, may be imported free of duty. "Also, to make suitable provision in said bill to guard against frauds, and to graduate the drawbacks, so directed to be paid, from time to time, in such manner, that the amount of drawback paid shall not (except as to cotton bagging) exceed the duties levied and intended to be countervailed." Mr. GORHAM addressed the House for some time in support of his amendment, but had not concluded his remarks when the hour allotted for the consideration of resolutions expired. PUBLIC LANDS. and of the amendment to the amendment offered by Mr. GORHAM on the 15th instant. Mr. GORHAM continued his remarks of yesterday in support of his amendment, and in conclusion moved to postpone the consideration of the whole subject, and make it the special order of the day for Tuesday next. He said his object in making this motion was to give gentlemen an opportunity of examining fully the whole question, which he considered one of the greatest importance, and requiring the most deliberate investigation. He hoped that no gentleman would move to lay the subject on the table. Mr. EVANS, of Maine, said he did not know that he should be opposed to the postponement of the resolution for a few days, if desired by gentlemen for the purpose of reflecting upon the subject. He was, however, anxious to submit his views upon it, feeling, as he did, a strong solicitude for the fate of the resolution proposed by his colleague, [Mr. ANDERSON] and should prefer an earlier opportunity to do so than that named by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. GORHAM.] He inquired if it would be in order for him now to discuss the general subject opened by the resolution and the proposed amendments. The House then resumed the consideration of the bill from the Senate for the relief of purchasers of public lands," together with the amendments reported to the same from the Committee on Public Lands. The question being on the amendment offered by Mr. VINTON, he made some remarks in explanation of it; and in conclusion he observed, that in order to ascertain the sentiments of the House in relation to the amendment, he would withdraw the two last sections of it, which contained the penal enactments. If the two first sections were rejected, [he Mr. CAMBRELENG said, the subject of drawbacks was said] he would renew his motion to amend the bill by add-one of great importance, and required deliberate consiing the third and fourth sections. Mr. CLAY said, he would vote against the amendment. He expressed his hearty concurrence in the two last sections of it. Mr. IRVIN said he would vote in favor of the bill as reported from the committee. He hoped the amendment of his colleague [Mr. VINTON] would not prevail. The question on the amendment to the amendment was decided in the negative. The SPEAKER replied that it would not be in order. Mr. E. then expressed a hope that the resolution and amendments would not be postponed. deration. He hoped, therefore, the motion of the gentleman from Massachusetts would be agreed to. Mr. TUCKER said, there was a better disposition to be made of this subject than a postponement of it. moved to refer it to a Committee of the Whole House. He Mr. CAMBRELENG suggested to the gentleman from South Carolina that he would have as good an opportunity of offering any amendments he might think proper, when the subject was taken up as a special order of the |