MARCH 11, 1830.]

The Tariff.

[H. of R

East, and the other a portion of the South and Southwest, this policy. In that State, the people felt the oppression from a very small portion of the oppressive and unequal and injustice of the system, but not perhaps to so great an operation of the present tariff system. He thought, extent as in the Southern States. They could live under therefore, that molasses and cotton bagging, however any system; but they could live better without this restrictive strange the association might seem to be, should not be se policy, than with it. The great body of our people were parated so far as the proposition of drawbacks was con- planters; many of them were cotton planters-in a great cerned. As the object was to reduce duties on one for part of the State, cotton was our principal staple for marthe benefit of one section, a correspondent reduction ket. But, at the same time, we had a fresh and fertile should be made on the other, for the benefit of another country, abundant in all those productions necessary to section. This was but even-handed justice, and he was sustain a dense population. This was not the case in some willing to refer both propositions to the Committee of Ways and Means together.

of the more Southern States. We [said he] can produce any article, and in as great abundance, too, that Kentucky A drawback upon cotton bagging exported around the can; and our climate enables us to produce cotton, which cotton bale stood, too, upon the same principle precisely could not be grown in Kentucky. We could grow hemp as the drawback now allowed by law upon pickled fish, as well as Kentucky; and if driven to it by high taxes imcured with foreign salt, exported for market, stood. There posed by the tariff policy, we could, and were beginning was not the slightest difference. Upon the importation even now to make a part of the cotton bagging necessary of foreign sal, it was subject to pay a duty of twenty for our own consumption. It would promote our interest if cents per bushel; but if the salt was used in curing or the taxes generally imposed by the tariff were reduced, and pickling fish for market abroad, the duty paid upon the we could procure this and other articles, necessary for our salt upon its importation was paid back to the exporter consumption, at less prices. In his judgment the inteof the fish in the shape of drawback. Indeed, by the rest of Kentucky, too, would be promoted by a general redrawback allowed upon the exportation of pickled fish, duction of the taxes imposed by the tariff. He had never the East was the only portion of the Union which did not been able to perceive what interest Kentucky could have, feel the effects of the enormous duty now imposed on im- any more than Tennessee, in favoring the protecting poliported salt. An attempt had been made, at the present cy. Her supposed interest in the article of cotton bagsession, to reduce the duty on salt, but we had seen that a ging was, he was persuaded, more ideal than real. majority of the House would not even permit an inquiry He was, [he said] upon principle, opposed to the whole to go to one of our standing committees of the House, system of the protecting policy called the tariff; but, as he but had voted the proposition down upon its first intro- had said in the outset of his remarks, he would not now duction. He would [he said] have preferred a direct re- go into the general discussion of the question. He had peal of the duty on cotton bagging, to the drawback. submitted this single proposition at this time, because it He had offered the amendment in the shape of a draw-rested, as he had endeavored to show, upon the same prinback, only because the original proposition was in that ciple with that offered by the gentleman from Maine; shape. The effect of the one or the other would be very and because, if the friends of the system would not now nearly the same. modify it generally upon the principle of mutual concesNo duty was ever imposed on the importation of foreign sion and compromise, between conflicting interests of dif cotton bagging until the tariff of 1824 was passed. At ferent sections, they would, he trusted, agree to alleviate that time a tax of three and three-quarter cents per square the oppressive operations of some of its details. He imyard was imposed. By the tariff of 1828, it was increas-plored the friends of this system in this Congress, to coned to five cents per square yard. And for whose benefit, sider deliberately the present excited and agitated state for the advancement of what interest, or rather to whose of the country upon this subject; to give a listening ear to prejudice, was this tax imposed? It was intended, it was the long neglected complaints of the suffering South, and said, to furnish a market in the Southern States for the alleviate their burdens. He appealed to them to know Kentucky bagging, by excluding the importation of the if it was not for the permanent interest of all sections to foreign article. Has this been the effect? Directly the re-modify the system and quiet the public mind. By adoptverse. In the Southern States, the planter was still com-ing the single proposition he had offered, they would, he pelled to buy the foreign cotton bagging, burdened as it knew, go but one step towards effecting so desirable an was with this heavy tax. The foreign article was still al-object, but it would be some manifestation of a disposi most exclusively used in a great portion of the Southern tion, on the part of the majority in this Congress, to afford States. Not a bale, he understood, of the Kentucky bag- at least some alleviation. ging was ever carried to some of the Southern States for Mr. MALLARY said, he was fully aware, that, whenmarket, because it would not bear the land transportation ever the tariff, in any shape, came before the House, much so great a distance. This duty, therefore, had not, and excitement prevailed. Whatever might be the tendency could not benefit the Kentucky manufacturer, in those of the subject itself to produce this effect, he was deterStates to which his bagging was never carried to market; mined that no excitement should be justly chargeable to and, if it did, it would be unjust. It was a useless and any observations or remarks he might be required to oppressive tax upon the Southern planter, and never ought make. As to the resolution introduced by the honorable to have been imposed. Why keep on a tax that operates gentleman from Maine, [Mr. ANDERSON] Mr. M. said he thus oppressively upon the South? He knew that this would make a brief remark. It requires the Committee was but one small item in the general system of restric- of Ways and Means to bring in a bill to allow a drawback tive policy, adopted by the tariff of 1828; and if this Con- on spirits distilled from molasses, when exported. It is gress were determined not to do more, he trusted they well known that this subject was discussed, considered, and would knock off, in the language of the gentleman from decided in 1828. Congress determined that no drawback Maine, some of the rough corners of this system, and at should be allowed. It is also well known that he was opleast modify some of its detail. He had hoped, at the com-posed to that decision at the time. He believed that the efmencement of this session, to see a disposition, on the part fects would be injurious to some interests, and beneficial to of the friends of this policy, to meet the oppressed and suf-none. But the House, after the fullest consideration, in its wisfering South, at least, on middle ground, and modify and re- dom determined otherwise. A majority decided that sound move, at least, some of the burdens of which they complain. policy, the prevention of frauds on the revenue, the proThe State, [said he] from which he came, might be said motion of the agricultural interest, required the drawback to be situated upon middle ground, between the conflict- should not be allowed. It was thus fixed: it was thus seting interest of the East and of the South, growing out of led. No reason is now offered for a repeal, that was not fully

VOL. VI.-77

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The Tariff.

[MARCH 11, 1830.

urged against the passage. It was as well understood then as most iniquitous and untenable. The facts bear me out in now. No changes have taken place which were not fully this assertion; they are incontrovertible. I repeat now anticipated. Unless a general understanding prevailed to what I said in 1828, when the tariff was under discussion. make the change without involving any other provision of I told gentlemen they might impose the additional duty on the tariff, he was in favor of no alteration. If a general bagging, but they could not justify it on their own princidisposition did exist to make the proposed change, the ples or pretences. They did not attempt to answer the proposition of the gentleman from Maine would probably arguments urged against the increase of duty, yet they have his support. passed it, for the same reason they would have passed any But [said Mr. M.] what is the consequence? What im other amendment, the operation of which would have been mediately follows? The proposition of the gentleman from the advancement of certain portions of this Union, at the Tennessee, [Mr. POLK.] Mr. M. said he had been in fa- expense of other parts of it. Yes, sir, there was something vor of the duty on cotton bagging. He had supported that due to the West for its loyalty to this idol, nicknamed the duty for the purpose of affording aid to an important do- "American system;" and those who were disposed to remestic manufacture. The reasons for imposing that duty ward idolatry, bestowed their blessing, in the form of an certainly sustain it at the present time. There is no increased duty on bagging. Or it may be that some were change in the necessity or policy. In establishing a gene-disposed to punish those who consume the bagging, on ral tariff, it could not have been reasonably expected that account of certain very obnoxious votes given on other every branch of industry would derive all the aid that was parts of the tariff bill. Of such, we ask nothing; and to anticipated. The manufacturers of the coarsest kind of such, we have no concessions to make. The course we wool complain. No doubt some had been injured. He pursued on that subject, has been admitted to be legitihad been urged to attempt to obtain some change in the mate in legislation: I will not say since its commencement, duty on that raw material. At the time of the passage but certainly since our acquaintance with it. How far of that tariff, he was opposed to that duty on such wool their supposed course (he would not charge it on them, as was not produced in the United States. A majority of he might do them injustice) can be sustained by princiCongress considered that the duty ought to be imposed. ple, he would not now stop to inquire. It was done. He would let it remain. Many were opposed to the dollar minimum. The effects were pointed out. It was fully examined and adopted. He was unwilling to disturb it. Many were opposed to the additional duty on molasses. A majority decided otherwise. He was opposed to a change. The whole tariff system is, and must be, founded on a liberal compromise among the numberless interests of this extended country. In passing the tariff of 1828, they were all consulted. It was passed on that ground. Without a just and liberal compromise, no law, involving a variety of the great interests of the country, could ever be adopted. He had no doubt the tariff of 1828 had operated in general most beneficially. But its benefits will be greatly diminished, if not wholly destroyed, by perpetual agitation. Continual attempts to change its details, before its effects are fully developed, will do a thousand times more injury than all the benefits anticipated from any proposed alteration. It was due to all whose interests were dependant on the policy of their Government, to be allowed some little repose--not to be continually alarmed for their safety. He could not consent to the proposed alterations.

It is charged against the South [continued Mr. M.] that we are too easily excited. Have they not sufficient cause to be excited? Do not their first and last dollar find their way to Northern pockets, without even touching at your treasury? And what produces this state of things but the great scheme of depredation, of which this subject forms but a small part? It would be out of order, sir, to go into a discussion of the whole tariff; if it were not, he could tell gentlemen why they were excited by reciting the misdeeds of this House. He hoped, however, an opportunity would occur, when he could not be restrained in the discharge of a duty he held sacred.

What claim has the manufacturer of bagging to the pro tection of Government? What are their numbers, the amount of capital invested, or the product of their facto ries, no one will pretend to assert. It is carried on to a very moderate extent in Kentucky; it is still more limited in New Jersey; he knew of no other establishments, though possibly there may be some on a small scale in Ohio or Tennessee. So little claim has the manufacture of this article on the protection of the Government, that it cannot be justified even on the doctrines of the most absurd, preMr. MARTIN, of South Carolina, said, this proposition posterous, and extravagant advocates of the tariff. A new to allow a drawback on cotton bagging, had come on very scheme must be organized, and new theories must be unexpectedly. It was one he would not have made, and manufactured, to give protection to this article the color he did not believe it would have been proposed by any of or semblance of plausibility.

his colleagues. It is a small, a very small business, [said It is important to the interest and prosperity of the nahe] compared with the great drama in which they wished tion, say gentlemen, that her supplies should be drawn to take a part. But, as it had been made, he should offer from her own resources. And pray, sir, [asked Mr. M.] no apology for intruding himself on the House. It would what has the nation, as a nation or a Government, to do with be expected, he presumed, that he should say something; the growth of cotton, or the manufacture of bagging? A but, independently of that expectation, he obeyed the small portion of your Southern Atlantic States only grow suggestions of feelings and duty, in the course he was cotton, and no others can grow it. They have not asked about to pursue. It must be admitted [he said] that the your protection or your aid in any shape: they deprecate gentleman who has offered this amendment, occupies neu- your interference with their concerns as an officious, intral ground; he stands between the manufacturers and termeddling, and an unconstitutional exercise of authority those they would make the consumers of their bagging. given you for other purposes. If they are content to re He cannot be looked on in any other light than as one ceive foreign bagging as they have done, and pay for it wholly disinterested; and so far as his object be to relieve with their own money, not with funds subtracted from the the South of the least of its oppressions, it was, and should Middle or Northern States, by what authority do others be, properly appreciated. interpose, or for what purposes? Not for national pur However unpleasant it was to some gentlemen who poses, for it is not a national affair-not for our benefit, for hear me, [said he] I shall feel bound to tell them some you do us positive injustice and injury. I was wrong, sir, solid truths. I shall call things by their right names, when I said the cotton business was not a national affair. even in this discussion on what all must consider as only It has been made so of late by the pernicious legislation introductory to what we will lay before the people of this of this House. It is the first and greatest resource of the nation if we may be allowed. Of all the duties imposed Government in paying its debts, and supporting its civil list, by your tariff, sir, [said Mr. M.] that on bagging is the and sustaining all its institutions. Yet the great and lead.

1

MARCH 11, 1830.]

The Tariff.

[H. of R.

ing object of gentlemen in this House is so to embarrass perhaps, some claim to a share in the scheme, as an equiits culture, and obstruct its transportation to a foreign valent for the service they had rendered. How far the market, as to compel us to suffer it to be manufactured at people of Kentucky have been benefited by the drawing home; and this is what they call a "home market." Yes, of this lottery, is a question upon which they have not sir, by paralysing the industry of the South, and obliterat- been very communicative. ing its capital, the market of the United States, any part of which is glutted by a single ship's cargo, and which consumes at most not more than one hundred and fifty thousand bags per annum, is to be converted into a market for the whole product of the United States, which now averages seven hundred thousand bags! And do gentlemen really expect us to submit to such a state of things, without being "excited?" If they do, they know less of us than we had supposed.

Trifling, sir, as this duty may appear, it is one of the highest among your imposts. The duty is five cents on the square yard, but the width of bagging makes it about six cents the running yard. This, as an ad valorem duty, will vary from thirty to fifty per cent. The revenue collected by the Government in South Carolina on this duty alone, is more than all the taxes paid for the State Government, if you exclude that collected on a particular species of property: and it is nearly one-fourth of all collected To sustain the proposition I have just stated, as one on from every source of taxation for State purposes. And which the advocates of the restrictive (I might say the for what purpose is this extortion practised? For the pronon-intercourse) system rely, they tell you it follows as a tection of the manufacturer of Kentucky? No, sir; I have consequence, that the interest of a few, or of one parti- shown he is not benefited by it. Is it to pay your pubcular section, must yield to that policy which promotes lic debt? No, sir; the design most prevalent is to divert the general good. He denied the application of any such the funds of the Government from that purpose. Is it doctrine in a Government like ours, except it be on those levied for the support of your Government and its institusubjects upon which the power to legislate has been con- tions? No one will pretend that such is the object. With ferred on Congress. But, without discussing that ques- what view, then, in the name of justice, was it originally tion now, it was easy to show the absurdity of pretending imposed, or is it now continued? It was first used, sir, as to apply such a rule to the impost laid on bagging. No, a punishment for the pertinacious resistance of the South, sir, it is the converse of the proposition which was enforc-and is now continued as a fit source from which to coned when this duty was laid. Kentucky alone manufactures struct roads and canals. 1 have said this much in relation --for the rest are not sufficiently extensive to be mention-to the imposition of this duty and its operation. I will now ed--while there are no less than eight States who con- speak of the amendment, proposing to allow the drawsume, not her manufactures, but the European fabric, if back on bagging re-exported, whether in bolts or around they can be allowed to do so; and to four of those States, the cotton. What do we understand by a drawback? It it is a fact known to all, that the article from Kentucky is paying to the shipper, by the Government, whenever cannot find its way. It can neither bear transportation he exports a foreign article, the same or a lesser duty than over the mountains, or down the Mississippi, and thence, that received when the article was imported into the counthrough the Gulf of Mexico and around the coast of Flo-try. It has for its justification satisfactory reasons; it is not rida, to the Southern Atlantic States, at a price which will the policy of the Government to retain the duty on an arenable the holder to bring it into competition with foreign ticle which is neither used or consumed; and the repayment bagging. No one, however extravagant in support of the of the duty is often an inducement to reship the article, thus tariff, or any branch of it, will deny these facts. One who giving employment and activity to capital, and aiding in the has not devoted some attention to the subject, could navigation and commercial operations of the country. Anoscarcely believe that such a state of things existed in any ther and important feature in this policy is, that when an arpart of this country. But the worst has not yet been told. ticle is imported, and manufactured or converted into a The gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. CLARK] on whose different fabric, and re-exported, by paying back the duty, proposition this duty was increased in 1828, was himself encouragement has been afforded to the carrier, the capiexamined before the Committee on Manufactures; and talist, and the domestic industry of the country. These, from his evidence it will be seen that the factories in Ken-I take it, are the grounds of the policy. Where the matucky already make better bagging than is imported, and terial is exported in its original state, there are few or no that unless the crop of hemp be short, which compels the facilities for committing frauds: nor are these to be appremanufacturer to give a high price for the raw material, hended, with the guards adopted, even where the article they can drive the foreign fabric out of the New Orleans has changed its character. Salt pays a duty of twenty market, or at least they can procure a better price than cents on every fifty-six pounds; yet, on the exportation of is paid for foreign bagging. Here, then, facts are at war fish packed in foreign salt, the duty on salt is repaid to the with theory, and principle abandoned in practice. Who, exporter of the fish. Bagging is imported, and pays a sir, that has ever heard or read three distinct sentences, specific duty. It is used for packing cotton, and immewritten or spoken by a manufacturer, or an advocate of diately re-exported. Is not the analogy so striking as to the tariff, will not recollect that one of those sentences be irresistible? If there be any distinction, is it not in faconsisted of a declaration that, if you would protect their vor of allowing the drawback on bagging? Both are imfactories until they passed from infancy to maturity, and ported, and the duties paid. One is used in consummatobtained possession of the market, they would ask it no longer? Then it was a millennium was to be produced in the commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural world. Yet, with the capital, and all other facilities to make a better fabric, and in the possession of the market, to the exclu- Thus far the claims of the two articles to a drawback sion of foreign bagging, the factories of Kentucky were are equal, unless, indeed, the agriculturist, the husbandto be protected--I will not say it was no protection, but man, who gives life and vigor to all our pursuits, be less they were to have a bounty; it is nothing less than a boun- entitled to the favor and protection of the Government ty, let others call it by what name they may. With the than the fisherman, whose claims, by the bye, it is not my possession of the New Orleans market, and wholly unable purpose to undervalue. But here the claim to a drawto reach the Atlantic markets, who can be so rash as to at-back on the bagging rises superior, because, by reason of tempt a justification of this duty? But the manufacturers its identity, it affords fewer facilities for the commission of Kentucky are scarcely blamable. It was a day appro- of frauds on the revenue. It is imported in bolts, and unpriated to the distribution of Southern capital and South-dergoes no change, except that of being cut into pieces ern labor, by a species of legislative lottery, and they had, of four or five yards, and made into bags for the reception

ing the enterprise and industry of the fisherman, the other in preserving the fruits and labor of the agriculturist. Both are necessary to the objects in view, and both seek a foreign market.

H. of R.]

The Judiciary Bill.-Public Lands.

[MARCH 11, 1830 of the cotton. You have scarcely an appraiser in a cus-able, are not even excusable. Of this character is your tom-house of the Government, who could not be able, af- tariff: and if it does produce excitement, let those who ter the first comparison, to distinguish between the do- have produced it profit by what they admit is known to mestic and foreign bagging. But as to the use of foreign them. If, instead of this, they will pursue this principle, salt, that must depend on extrinsic evidence--on affidavits. on their heads, not ours, be the consequences. Now, without intending the least imputation on those who receive that drawback, I cannot but say the temptation and the facilities to commit frauds on the Government are

[Here the debate closed for this day.]

JUDICIARY BILL.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the

Whole House, Mr. CAMBRELENG in the chair, on the Judiciary bill.

that, in compliance with the request of the gentleman from Mr. DANIEL, who had possession of the floor, said

greater, and more numerous, than would exist in regard to bagging. I appeal to the chairman of the Committee on Manufactures, [Mr. MALLARY] who has just taken his seat, to name, if he can, a single article, in the whole range of our commerce, which undergoes any change, with which it would be so difficult to practise a fraud in claim-Alabama, [Mr. CLAY] who intimated a desire to bring before the House a bill of much importance to his constituing a drawback on its exportation, as with bagging. Let him name it, if there be one in his knowledge. But, says [Mr. D.] would not proceed with his argument to-day, ents, and requiring the immediate action of the House, he that gentleman, the tariff was a compromise! Truly it was but, to give the gentleman an opportunity of taking up his a compromise. But between whom was this arrangement bill, would move that the committee rise, and ask leave to effected? The Southern States, whose capital and labor sit again. the parties to it were dividing, and whose enterprise and industry the same parties were appropriating to their own use, had no voice in the compact. Like other parties acting in concert, but to whom it would be out of order that I should compare them, they found it difficult to divide. the spoils on reciprocal terms--spoils not won by valor; not the fruits of victory achieved in honorable warfare. Compromise was necessarily resorted to: the principles of justice, equality, or reciprocity--none of them were applicable to such a state of things.

The committee accordingly rose, and obtained leave to sit again.

PUBLIC LANDS.

On motion of Mr. CLAY, the House then took up a bill from the Senate, entitled "An act for the relief of purchasers of public lands;" together with the amendments reported thereto by the Committee on Public Lands. Mr. CLAY explained, and supported, at considerable length, the objects of the amendment to the bill.

Mr. VINTON proposed to amend the bill by striking out all after the word " of" at the end of the seventh line, and insert the following:

"And shall be entitled to all the benefits of the act entitled An act for the relief of the purchasers of the public lands that have reverted for non-payment of the purchase,' approved May 23, 1828, and the said act shall be and is hereby extended to them.

"SEC. 2. Be it further enacted, That every assignment of any land so reverted, or of any certificate of purchase therefor made since the same reverted to the United States, or that shall be made within six months after the passing of this act, shall be, and is hereby declared to be, null and void.

This effect of this proposition must be considered in all its bearings, we are told by the same gentleman, [Mr. MALLARY.] Why, sir, the duty on cotton bagging has no bearing, except on the Southern States, and they want no time to regulate the effects of its repeal. I hope I have shown that Kentucky did not require it. But I will not affect to misunderstand the gentleman. His allusions are to the effect which the repeal of the most trifling duty may have on the great "American system"--a system, the operation of which, it was promised, would have more beneficial effects than have ever been anticipated from the discovery of the philosopher's stone--one which was to make the poor rich by giving constant employment and high wages-the farmer was to sink under his own wealth, arising from the home market and extravagant price of "SEC. 3. Be it further enacted, That, if any person or grain, wool, &c.; and by an accumulation in the price of persons shall, before or after the time of the public sale all these, constituting two-thirds of the investments in ma- of any of the lands of the United States, bargain, contract, nufactories, all manufactured goods were to be rendered or agree, or shall attempt to bargain, contract, or agree, cheaper. Well, sir, the tariff bill passed; and how have with any other person or persons, that the last named perall these anticipations been realized? The operatives, the son or persons shall not bid upon nor purchase the lands laborers out of employment, or suffering by the low wa-so offered for sale, or any parcel thereof, or shall, by inges, and the farmer's grain rotting in his barn, or sold at timidation, combination, or unfair management, hinder or a sacrifice. A portion of the goods cheaper, it is true, prevent, or attempt to hinder or prevent, any person or but of no sort of importance in estimating the benefits or persons from bidding upon or purchasing any tract or injury resulting from the system. It was from the begin- tracts of land so offered for sale, every such offender, his, ning a scheme of cheating; and those who innocently par- her, or their aiders and abettors, being thereof duly conticipated are now sensible of the delusion, but they will victed, shall, for every such offence, be fined not exceednot acknowledge it. An abandonment of principles, when ing dollars, or imprisoned not exceeding ——— years, once adopted and insisted on so extravagantly, however or both, in the discretion of the court. erroneous they may be discovered to be, is a severe trialone which few are willing to encounter. But, whenever truth, reason, and justice shall again acquire an ascendancy on this subject, (the time may be distant--I fear it is,) the fallacy of these pernicious projects will be admitted, and the extent to which they have been carried will be at

tributed to infatuation.

Much has been said [continued Mr. M.] as to the excitement the tariff has occasioned in South Carolina. Sir, that is not a subject for discussion here. We are not accountable to this House, on any score. If we were, I would not shrink from a contest in support of any thing and every thing the people in their collective character have said on this subject, on any occasion. There are some acts of Government, which, so far from being justifi

"SEC. 4. Be it further enacted, That, if any person or persons shall, before or at the time of the public sale of any of the lands of the United States, enter into any contract, bargain, agreement, or secret understanding with any other person or persons, proposing to purchase such land, to pay or to give to such purchasers for such land a sum of money or other article of property over and above the price at which the land may or shall be bid off by such purchaser, every such contract, bargain, agreement, or secret understanding, and every bond, obligation, or writing of any kind whatsoever, founded upon a growing out of the same, shall be utterly null and void. And any person or persons, being a party to such contract, bargain, agreement, or secret understanding, who shall or may pay to such purchaser any sum of money or other article of pro

MARCH 12, 1830.]

Pay of Army and Navy Officers.

[H. of R.

perty as aforesaid, over and above the purchase money of was not aware of the situation in which he placed the such land, may sue for and recover such excess from such party to which he belonged. We see from correspondpurchaser, in any court having jurisdiction of the same.ents at Washington, extracts from letters sometimes bearAnd if the party aggrieved have no legal evidence of such ing the authority of members of Congress, which state contract, bargain, agreement, or secret understanding, or of that this Committee on Retrenchment have done nothing as the payment of the excess aforesaid, he may, by bill in yet, but to abolish the insignificant office of a poor, poor litequity, compel such purchaser to make discovery thereof; tle draughtsman; but now the gentleman from Ohio states and if in such case the complainant shall ask for relief, the that this committee is doing too much, and is encroaching on court in which the bill is pending may proceed to final the business of a standing committee of the House. If decree between the parties to the same: Provided, every the gentleman will look at the rules of the House, he will such suit, either in law or equity, shall be commenced find that the bill, as reported by the committee, comes within six years next after the sale of said land by the Unit- within the scope of its action. If the Committee on Reed States." trenchment has not power to act on this question, it has not power to act on any. The object of establishing this committee was, that it should look into the conduct of the Government, to ascertain what offices may be dispensed with, what expenditures may be retrenched, and what organization of the public offices may be introduced in order to produce greater effiiency and accountability. The committee, therefore, looking at the expenditures of the army and the navy, were struck with astonishment at the gradual annual increase of these expenditures. They Mr. BAYLOR addressed the House briefly in support looked to the payment of the officers of the army and of the bill. navy as prescribed by the legislation of Congress; and on The question on the amendment offered by Mr. VIN-comparing it with the regulations adopted by the ExecuTON as a substitute for the amendment of the committee, tive Department, they found that, in some cases, the paybeing called for from different parts of the House, ment of a considerable portion of the officers of both de

Mr. LEWIS opposed the amendment. He considered it entirely nugatory, and said that every measure had been resorted to for the purpose of destroying the system of speculation which the gentleman from Ohio referred to, but without success. He supported the amendments to the bill as reported by the committee.

Mr. VINTON replied.

Mr. ISACKS spoke in favor of the bill as reported by the committee.

Mr. McCOY said that the proposition of the gentleman partments depended on the Executive discretion, and exfrom Ohio [Mr. V.] certainly deserved some considera-ceeded what is allowed by Congress. This bill is intendtion. He was sorry to see the impatience manifested by ed to correct that abuse, and to bring back the mode of gentlemen to have this question put without affording a payment to conform to the specific legislation of Congress; reasonable time to consider the subject. For his own part and if the Committee on Military Affairs thinks that the [he said] he would not vote for the bill as reported by the pay of officers is not high enough, let them introduce a Committee on Public Lands. specific enactment to increase it. If the Committee on Naval Affairs thinks that the pay of the navy officers is This bill proposes to bring back the manner of paying officers of the army and navy, to the provision of the act of 1806, passed in the time of Jefferson. That law has never been changed by Congress. By the law of 1806, officers not under actual service are only entitled to half pay, and this regulation so continued till 1819, when an Mr. BURGES said, he must confess he did not under-order was issued by the then Secretary of the Navy "to allow stand the question, although he devoted as much atten-all officers not on furlough their full pay and rations." We tion to it as the gentleman from Vermont. He moved propose [said Mr. W.] to bring the law into full force, by that the House adjourn; which was negatived.

Mr. MALLARY said, the subject had been long enough before the House to give all the members time to consider not sufficient, let them also introduce a law to increase it. it. The gentleman from Alabama had called our attention to it frequently. The debate, he thought, explained the objects of the bill sufficiently, and he hoped the question would now be taken upon it. We could not do a greater act of justice, policy, and humanity, than to pass the bill in its original shape.

The question on the proposition of Mr. VINTON being stated,

Mr. WHITTLESEY asked for the yeas and nays; which were ordered; but, before they were taken, the House adjourned.

repealing the Executive legislation which has been adopted. If this is not the appropriate business of the Committee on Retrenchment, the gentleman from Ohio ought to get up and move to rescind the order of the House establishing that committee. He rose [he said] to vindicate the committee from the charge of interfering with the duties of another committee. Their powers, he was of opinion, were concurrent. He hoped the House would consent to treat the Committee on Retrenchment with courtesy, and to permit the appropriate reference of this Mr. WICKLIFFE, from the Committee on Retrench-bill. Mr. W. again repeated the duties of the committee, ment, reported a bill to regulate the pay of the officers of and concluded his remarks. the army and navy in certain cases; which, being twice) Mr. WHITTLESEY deprecated the introduction of read, Mr. W. moved to refer the bill to the Committee of party allusions into the transaction of the business of the the Whole House on the state of the Union. House. The gentleman from Kentucky had adverted to

FRIDAY, MARCH 12, 1830.

PAY OF ARMY AND NAVY OFFICERS.

Mr. WHITTLESEY thought there were strong grounds letter writers, and implied that the Retrenchment Comto fear that the Committee on Retrenchment would inter-mittee had been chiefly urged to the performance of its fere with the duties of other committees. He would move duties by these letter writers. If they could only be so to refer the bill to the Committee on Military Affairs; and urged, he hoped that this correspondence would be conif it was not properly referrible to that committee, he tinued, whether the authors were members of this House, could not conceive what other business they had to per- or were in the gallery. Mr. W. said, he saw no letters, form. If business connected with the navy is not pecu-as the gentleman from Kentucky had done, censuring the liarly the duty of the Committee on Naval Affairs, he Committee on Retrenchment. He did not know whether could not say for what it was established. He thought they said that the only result of the labors of the Retrenchthat the business of this House ought to be conducted with ment Committee was the abolition of the office of a draughtsmore order and regularity than have the same subject be-man. Granting all this to be true, [said Mr. W.] he was fore two committees at once. informed that the Committee on Military Affairs had spent

Mr. WICKLIFFE said that the gentleman from Ohio all its powers on the subject. Was it competent, then,