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Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[Jan. 20, 1830.

Nathan Dane, then, and now, a citizen of Massachusetts. thing, and can do nothing. All that has been effected It was adopted, as I think I have understood, without the has been done by the votes of reproached New England. slightest alteration; and certainly it has happened to few I undertake to say, sir, that if you look to the votes on any men, to be the authors of a political measure of more large one of these measures, and strike out from the list of ayes and enduring consequence. It fixed, forever, the charac- the names of New England members, it will be found that ter of the population in the vast regions Northwest of the in cvery case the South would then have voted down the Ohio, by excluding from them involuntary servitude. It West, and the measure would bave failed. I do not believe impressed on the soil itself, while it was yet a wilderness, that any one instance can be found where this is not strictly an incapacity to bear up any other than free mell. It laid true. I do not believe that one dollar has been expended the interdict against personal servitude, in original com- for these purposes beyond the mountains, which could have pact, not only deeper than all local law, but (leeper, also, been obtained without cordial co-operation and support than all local constitutions. Under the circumstances then from New England. Sir, I put the gentleman to the West existing, I look upon this original and seasonable provision, itself. Let gentlemen who have sat here ten years, come as a real good attained. We see its consequences at this forth and declare by what aids, and by whose votos, they moment, and we shall never cuase 10 see them, perhaps, have succeeded in measures deemed of essential import. while the Ohio shall flow. It was a great and salutary ance to their part of the country. To all men of sense measure of prevention. Sr, I should fear the rebuke of and candor, in or out of Congress, who have any kr.cwno intelligent gentleman of Kentucky, were I to ask ledge on the subject, New Ergland may appeal, for refuwhether, if such an ordinance could have been applicd to tation of the reproach now attempted to be cast upon her his own State, while it yet was a wilderness, and before in this respect. I take liberty to repeat that I make no Boone had passed the gap of the Alleghany, he does not claim, on behalf of New England, or on account of that suppose it would have contributed to the ultimate great- which I have not stated. She does not profess to have ness of that Commonwealth? It is, at any rate, not to be acted out of favor: for it would noi have become her so to doubted, that, where it did apply, it has produced an effect have acted. She solicits for no especial thanks; but, in not eas:ly to be described, or measured in the growth of the consciousness of having done her duty in these things, the States, and the extent and increase of their popula- uprightly and honestly, and with a fair and liberal spirit, tion. Now, sr, this great measure again was carried by be assured she will repel, whenever she thinks the cecathe North, and by the North alone. There were, indeed, sion calls for it, an unjust and groundless imputation of individuals elsewhere favorable to it; but it was supported, partiality and selfishness. as a measure, entirely by the votes of the Northern States. The gentleman alluded to a report of the late Secietary If New England bad been governed by the narrow and of the Treasury, which, according to his reading or conselfish view's now ascribed to her, this very measure was, stiuction of it, i'ecommendeci what he called the tariff of all others, the best calculated to thwart her purposes. policy, or a branch of that policy; that is, the restraining It was, of all things, the very means of rendering certain of emigration to the West, for the purpose of keeping a vast cmigration from her own population to the West. bands at home to carry on the manufactures. I think, sir, She looked to that consequence only to disregard it. She that the gentleman misapprehended the meaning of the deemed the regulation a most useful one to the States that Secretary, in the interpretation given to his remarks. I would spring up on the territory, and advantageous to the understand him only as saying, that, since the low price of country at large. She adhered to the principle of it per- lands at the West acts as a constant and standing bounty severingly, scar after year, until it was finally accomplished. to agriculture, it is, on that account, the more reasonable

Leaving, then, sir, these two great and leadirig mea. 10 provide cncouragement for manufactures. But, sir, sures, and coming down to cur own times, what is even if the Secretary's observation were to be understood there in the history of recent measures of Government as the gentleman understands it, it would not be a sentithat exposes New England to this accusation of hcstility to ment borrowed from any New England source. Whether Western interests ? I assert, boldly, that in all measures it be right or wrong, it does not originate in that quarter. conducive to the welfare of the West, since my acquaint In the course of these remarks, I have spoken of the ance here, no part of the country has manifested a more supposed desire, on the part of the Atlantic States, to liberal policy:

I beg to say, sir, that I do not state this check, or at least not to basten, Western emigration, as a with a view of claiming for her any special regard on that narrow policy. Perliaps 1 ought to have qualified the ex

Not at all. She does not place her support of pression; because, sir, I am now about to quote the measures on the ground of favor conferred; far otherwise. opinions of one to whom I would impute nothing narrow. What she has donc has been consonant to her view of the I am now about to refer you to the language of a gentleman general good, and, therefore, she has done it. She has of much and descrved distinction, now a member of the sought to make no gain of it ; on the contrary, individuals othér House, and occupying a prominent situation there. may have felt, undoubtedly, some natural regret at finding The gentleman, sir, is from South Carolina. In 1825, a the relative importance of their own States diminished by debate arose, in the House of Representatives, on the the growth of the West. But New England has regarded subject of the Western road. It bappened to me to take that as in the natural course of things, and has never com- sonie part in that debate. I was answered by the honoraplained of it. Let me see, sir, any one measure favorable ble genileman to whom I have alluded; and I replicd. to the West which has been opposed by New England, Way I be pardoned, sir, if I read a part of this debate? since the Government bestowed its attention to these “ The gentleman from Massachusctts has urged, said Western improvements. Select what you will, if it be a Mr. NicDurfix] as one lcading reason why the Governmeasure of acknowledged ut lity, I answer for it, it will be ment should make roads to the West, that these roads have found that not only were New England votes for it, but 2 terdency to settle the public lands; that they increase that New England votes carried it. Will you take the the inducements to settlement; and that this is a national Cumberland RoadWho has made innt? Will you take object. Sir, I differ entirely from bis views on the subthe Portland Canal? Whose support carried that bill? Sir, jeci. I think that the public lands are settling quite fast at what period beyond the Greek kalends could these enough; that our people necd want no stimulus to urge measures, or measures like these, have been accomplished, them thither; but want rather a check, at least on that arhad they depended on the votes of Southern gentlemen tificial tendency to Western settlement which we have cre. Why, sir, we know that we must have waited til the con-ated by our own laws. stitutional notions of those gentlemen bad undergone an " The gentleman says that the great object of Governentire change. Generally speaking, they have done no- ment, with respect to those lands, is not to make them a


Jas.' 21, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.


source of revenue, but to get them settled. What would vor of letting population take its own course; he should have been thought of this argument in the old thirteen experience no feeling of mortification if any of his constiStates? It amounts to this, that those States are to offer a tuents liked better to settle on the Kansas, or the Arkanbonus for their own impoverishment--to create a vortex to sas, or the Lord knows where, within cur territory; let swallow up our floating population. Look, sir, at the them go, and be happier, if they could. The gentleman present aspect of the Southern States. In no part of Eu- says our aggregate of wealth would have been greater, if rope will you see the same indications of decay. Desert our population had been restrained within the limits of ed villages, houses falling into ruin, impoverished lands the old States; but does he not consider population to be thrown out of cultivation. Sir, I believe that, if the public wealth? And has not this been increased by the settlelands had never been soll, the aggregate amount of the ment of a new and fertile country? Such a country prenational wealth would have lieen greater at this moment. sents the most alluring of all prospects to a young and laOur population, if concentrated in the old States, and not boring man; it gives him a freehold; it offers to him ground down by tariffs, would have been more prosperous weight and respectability in society; and, above all, it preand more wealtlıy. But every inducement has been held sents to him a prospect of a permanent provision for his out to them to settle in the West, until our population has children. Sir, these are inducements which never were sparse: and then the effects of this sparseness are resisted, and never will be; and, were the whole extent pow to be counteracted by another artificial system. Sir, of country filled with population up to the Rocky MounI say if there is any object worthy th attonton this ans, these inducements would carry that population forGovernment, it is a plan which shall limit the sale of the ward to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. Sir, it is in vain public lands. If those lands were sold according to their to talk; individuals will seek their own good, and not any real value, be it so. But while the Government continues, artificial aggregate of the national wealth. A young, enas it now does, to give them away, they will draw the po. terprising, and hardy agriculturist can conceive of nothing pulation of the older States, and still farther increase the better to him than plenty of good, cheap land.” effect which is already distressingly felt, and which must Sir, with the reading of these extracts, I leave the sub. go to diminish the value of all those States possess. And ject.' The Senate will bear me witness that I am not acthis, sir, is held out to us as a motive for granting the pre- customed to allude to local opinions, nor to compare nor sent appropriation. I would not, indeed, prevent the for- contrast different portions of the country. I have often mation of roads on these considerations, but I certainly suffered things to pass which I might, properly enough, would not encourage it. Sir, there is an additional item have considered as deserving a remark, without any obin the account of the benefits which this Government has servation. But I have felt it my duty, on this occasion, to conferred on the Western States. It is the sale of the vindicate the State I represent from chaiges and imputapublic lands at the minimum price. At this moment we tions on her public character and conduct, which I know gre selling to the people of the West, lands at one dollar to be undeserved and unfounded. If advanced elsewhere, and twenty-five cents an acre, which are fairly worth fif-- they might be passed, perhaps, without notice. But teen, and which would sell at that price if the markets whatever is said here, is supposed to be entitled to public were not glutted.”

regard, and to deserve public attention; it derives impor"Wr. W. observed, in reply, that the gentleman from tance and dignity from the place where it is uttered. * As South Carolina had mistaken him if he supposed that it a true Representative of the State which has sent me here, was his wish so to hasten the sales of the public lands, as it is my duty, and a duty which I shall fulfil, to place her to throw them into the hands of purchasers who would history and her conduct, her honor and her character, in sell again. His idea only went as far as this: that the their just and proper light, so often as I think an attack price should be fixed as low as not to prevent the settle is made upon her so respectable as to deserve to be rement of the lands, yet not so low as to tempt speculators pelled. to purchase. Mr. W. observed that he could not at all [MU". W. concluded by moving the indefinite postponeconcur with the gentleman from South Carolina, in wish- ment of the resolution.] ing to restrain the laboring classes of population in the Mr. BENTON followed, and spoke in reply to Mr. W. Eastern States from going to any part of our territory, His remarks will be found consolidated in the succeeding where they could better their condition; nor did he sup- pages. pose that such an idea was any where entertained. The observations of the gentleman has opened to him new views

TacRSDAY, JANUARY 21, 1830. of policy on this subject, and he thought he now could The Senate again resumed the consideration of the reperceive why some of our States continued to have such solution offered by Mr. FOOT, relative to the Public Lands. bad roads; it must be for the purpose of preventing peo Mr. CHAMBERS hoped that the Senate would consent ple from going out of them. The gentleman from South to postpone the resolution till Monday next, as Mr. WEBCarolina supposes that, if our population had been confin. STER, who had engaged in, and wished to be present at, ed to the old thirteen States, the aggregate wealth of the the discussion of the resolution, when it should be resumcountry would have been greater than it now is. But, ed, had some unavoidable engagements out of the Senate, sir, it is an error that the increase of the aggregate of the and could not conveniently give his attendance before national wealth is the object chiefly to be pursued by Monday. Government. The distribution of the national wealth is Mr. HAYNE said he saw the gentleman from Massaan object quite as important as its increase. He was not chusetts in his seat, and presumed he could make an arsurprised that the old States not increasing in population rangement which would enable him to be present here so fast as was expected (for he believed nothing like a during the discussion to-day. He was unwilling that this decrease was pretended) should be an idea by no means subject should be postponed, until he had an opportunity agreeable to gentlemen from those States; we are all re- of replying to some of the observations which had fallen luctant in submitting to the loss of relative importance: from the gentleman yesterday. He would not deny that but this was nothing more than the natural condition of a some things had fallen from that gentleman which rankled country densely populated in one part, and possessing, in here, (touching his breast) from which he would desire, another, a vast tract of unsettled lands. The plan of the at once, to relieve himself. The gentleman had discharge gentleman went to reverse the order of nature, vainly ex-ed his fire in the face of the Senate. He hoped he would pecting to retain men within a small and comparatively now afford him the opportunity of returning the shot. unproductive territory, " who have all the world before Mr. WEBSTER. I am ready to receive it. Let the them where to choose.” For his own part, he was in fa-'discussion proceed.

Vol. VI.-6


The Indian".

Jan. 25, 1830.

Mr. BENTON then rose, and addressed the Senate the white people, their situation is daily deteriorating, and about an hour in continuation of the speech which he com- their population decreasing. Justice calls for a correct menced yesterday, in reply to Mr. WEBSTER, (for which statement respecting the condition of these tribes. I want, see the consolidated report.)

said Mr. F. to meet the reasons which have been urged Mr. BELL now moved that the further consideration of for the removal of these people. I want it to be shown to the resolution be postponed to Monday, but the motion the Senate how true these representatioils are with rewas negatived: ayes 13, noes 18.

gard to these same Indians. With regard to them, and Mr. HAYNE then took the floor, and spoke about an especially to the Cherokees, we are bound to afford every hour in reply to Mr. WEBSTER's remarks of yesterday, possible encouragement in their improvement. They are when

rising every day in moral elevation; they are leaving beThe Senate adjourned to Monday.

hind them the habits of the savage life; and have established

for themselves a civil gorciament; they are entering upon MONDAY, JANUARY 25, 1830.

the arts of peace, agricul:ure, commerce, and mechanics;

they know the obligations of law; and in regard to popuTHE INDIANS.

lation, instead of its approaching to annihilation or meltThe following resolution, which was submitted on ing away, they have outstripped the whites in any section Thursday, by Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN, was taken up for of country. consideration:

I have proposed this resolution, therefore, because I Resolred, That the Secretary of War be requested wish to be able to meet the reasons which now assail us, to furnish to the Senate any information in the possession that unless we remore these people, their population will of his Department, respecting the progress of civilization, soon melt away. It is in vain we attempt to disguise the for the last eight years, among the Cherokee, Creek, and tendency of such proceedings. It is my wish, ther, said Choctaw nations of Indians, east of the Mississippi, and the Mr. F. to obtain such information as wiil enable me to present state of eilucation, civil government, agriculture, meet those reasons fairly, fully, and fearlessly; and on the and the mechanic arts, among those nations."

faith of treaties, to show that we are pledged to enMr. FORSYTH said he could have no objections to the courage and protect these people. I want to be enabled inquiry which the resolution proposed, but he desired to prove that they need no such assistance as that profthat it should be more compreljensive in the information fered to prevent their annihilation. If we only leave which it was the object of the gentleman to procure. If them where the faith of treaties renders it obligatory the gentleman is of a different opinion, I hope (said Mr. on us to leave them, they will raise themselves to a high F.] he will show the reasons he had for confining the re- moral ekvation; they will secure for themselves a solution to the three nations of Indians east of the Missis- strength and stability of civil government, and will make a sippi, the Cherokee, the Creck, and the Choctaw. 1 rapid progress in the cultivation of the arts. would be glad if the resolution was more extensive; so cs Another reason which justifies the adoption of this retensive as to embrace all the Indians in the United States. solution is, that, as we have bound ourselves to protect and I do not intend to propose an amendment to the resolu- patronize them in the cultivation of the arts, as indepention, to the effect I have stated, without first giving the dent, sovereign people, it is a duty we owe to ourselves, gentleman an opportunity to explain his reasons for limit- to them, to this country, and the world at large, which is ing the inquiry. If no objection, satisfactory to me, is looking on us, to see that we have fulfilled this obligation, stated, why the inquiry should not be extended as I and to ascertain, by a reference to the proper department, have suggested, then I shall move to amend the reso- what progress they have made in these arts. I therefore lution.

apprehend that, if the resolution proposed is adopted, I shall Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN said he had strong reasons be enabled, when the discussion of this question comes on, why he did not wish to extend the inquiry to other In- to meet, by official documerts, the reasons assigned for dians than those mentioned in the resolution, and stronger the removal of these Indians. We shall also be informed reasons why it should not be extended to all other In- what progress they have made in civilization, or, if they dians. The Senate will perceive (said Mr. F.] that the have retrograded, what has been the calise of it. If the resolution proposes an inquiry into the progress which reasons which he alluded to would be removed by this inthese tribes of Indians have made in improvement and ci- formation, then the reasons to interfere with these people vilization, and an investigation into the present state of would be also removed. their civil government, education, agriculture, and the Mr. FORSYTH replied, that the gentleman from New mechanic arts. One of the prominent reasons he said he Jersey had misapprehended him in the observations he had had for employing this phraseology in the resolution, was, made. I had no o'njection, Mr. F. said, to the inquiry that it is the emphatic terms in which o'r treaties with which the resolution proposed, but I objected to confinthese tribes are couched. With respect to agriculture, ing the investigation to three sections of the Indians only. we have encouraged these free tribes in the pursuit of it. I wish that it should embrace all the Indians in the United We have agreed, by our solemn treaty, to afford them States. The resolution does not even embrace all the every facility, by extending to them our patronage, and Indians in the part of the country in which the others it giving them the countenance of the Government. By our mentions inhabit. The Chickasaws are as numerous as pledges to them, we have guarantied (and under our any other tribe mentioned; and the same promises, the solemn faith and obligations are bound to fulfil the pledges same pledges, were given to them as to the others. Why we have made to them) the undisturbed, the uninter- then are they excluded? Besides, there are in other parts rupted possession of their territory. It is in vain, said Mr. of the United States Indians residing, to whom the same F. to disguise that an attempt is now made to interrupt pledges were given. It was obvious to the Senate that that possession; and what were the reasons, he asked, this important question would agitate us in all our relawhich were urged for the removal of these Indians from tions with the Indians. Like the gentleman from New the country they now inhabit? Humanity, it is said, re- Jersey, (Mr. FRELISCIUTSEX] I desire that the question quires their removal, and this is the only reason assigned, should be presented so as to receive a full discussion; but as appears from the resolutions of the State Legislature, I have no idea that persons, either in this House or out of from the public prints of the country; nay, this is the rea- lit, shall narrow the discussion down to a local or sectional son given in the very message of the Executive of the Go- question. For the purpose, then, of applying the inquiry vernment. Humanity, it is said, calls for our interference, to the condition of all the Indians in the United States, because, while the Indians remain in the neighborhood of and that those who hold different sentiments from the gen.

Jax. 25, 1830.]
Mr. Foot's Resolution.

(SENATE. tleman from New Jersey, on this subject, may have historical facts and documents in support of that charge. ground to stand upon, as well as he, I move to strike out Now, sir, how have these different arguments been met? of the resolution, the words in the possession," and to The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, after deliinsert, in lieu thereof, the words "within the reach;” and berating a whole night upon his course, comes into this to strike out the words, “ the Cherokee, Creek, and chamber to vindicate New England, and, instead of makChoctaw nations of Indians, east of the Mississippi," and ing up his issue with the gentleman from Missouri, on the to insert, in lieu thereof, the words, “the Indian nations charges which he had preferred, chooses to consider me within the United States;" and also, to erase the two last as the author of those charges, and, losing sight entirely of words of the resolution, (those nations) and in their stead that gentleman, selects me as his adversary, and pours out to insert the word “them.”

all the vials of his mighty wrath upon my devoted head. Mr. F. proceeded to state that he wanted all the infor- Nor is he willing to stop there. He goes on to assail the mation which could be procured respecting the condition institutions and policy of the South, and calls in question of all the Indians, and that he wished to do justice not the principles and conduct of the State which I have the only to those who dwelt in the southwest part of the Unit- honor to represent. When I find a gentleman of mature ed States, but to all those residing in any part of the coun- age and experience, of acknowledged talents and protry. So far as he, (who was unfortunaiely the only repre- found sagacity, pursuing a course like this, declining the sentative of Georgia now in the Senate) could undertake contest offered from the West, and making war upon the to say, we seek tu do nothing which has not been already unoffending South, I must believe, I am bound to believe, exercised by the majority of the States of the Union. Mr. he has some object in view that he has not ventured to F. concluded by saying, if the gentleman from New Jer-disclose. Why is this? (asked Mr. H.] Has the gentlesey wished to take time for the consideration of his amendman discovered in former controversies with the gentlement, he would move to lay both the resolution and man from Missouri, that he is overmatched by that Senaamendment, for the present, on the table.

tor? And does he hope for an easy victory over a more Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN did not assent to this course, feeble adversary? Has the gentleman's distempered fanbut suggested to the gentleman from Georgia to propose cy been disturbed by gloomy forebodings of "new allihis amendment in the form of a new resolution. He re- ances to be formed,' at which he hinted? Has the ghost peated what his object was in proposing the resolution, of the murdered Coalition come back, like the ghost of and said, if the gentleman from Georgia would consent to Banquo, to “sear the eye-balls” of the gentleman, and the adoption of his resolution, he would not object to the will it not down at his bidding?" Are dark visions of adoption of a resolution embracing the same matter as the broken hopes, and honors lost forever, still Moating before present amendment.

| his heated imagination? Sir, if it be his object to thrust Mr. FORSYTH made no reply; and

me between the gentleman from Missouri and himself, in The question on amending the resolution was then put, order to rescue the East from the contest it has provoked and carried in the affirmative, by the casting vote of the with the West, he shall not be gratified. Sir, I will not President, the ayes and noes being equal.

be dragged into the defence of my friend from Missouri. The resolution, as amended, was then adopted, as fol. The South shall not be forced into a conflict not its own. lows:

The gentleman from Missouri is able to fight his own batResolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to tles. The gallant West needs no aid from the South to furnish to the Senate any information within the reach of his repel any attack which may be made on them from any Department, respecting the progress of civilization, for quarter. Let the gentleman from Massachusetts contra the last eight years, among the Indian nations within the vert the facts and arguments of the gentleman from MisUnited States, and the present state of education, civil souri-if he can; and if he win the victory, let him wear government, agriculture, and the mechanic arts, among its honors: I shall not deprive him of his laurels. tbem.

The gentleman from Massachusetts, in reply to my reMR. FOOT'S RESOLUTION.

marks on the injurious operation of our land system on

the prosperity of the West, pronounced an extravagant The unfinished business of Thursday, being the order of culogium on the paternal care which the Government the day, was then resumed; and the question being on the had extended towards the West, to which he attributed motion of Mr. WEBSTER to postpone, indefinitely, the all that was great and excellent in the present condition resolution proposed by Mr. FOOT, concerning the public of the new States. The language of the gentleman on lands,

this topic fell upon my ears like the almost forgotten Mr. HAYNE rose, and, in continuation of his reply to tones of the tory leaders of the British Parliament, at the Mr. WEBSTER, addressed the Senate for two hours and a commencement of the American Revolution. They, too, half.

discovered, that the colonies had grown great under the The following are the remarks of Mr. H. as delivered fostering care of the mother country, and, I must confess, on Thursday and to-day:]

while listening to the gentleman, I thought the appropriMr. HAYNE began by saying that when he took occasion, ate reply to his argument was to be found in the remark two days ago, to throw out some ideas with respect to the po- of a celebrated orator, made on that occasion: “ They licy of the Government in relation to the public lands, no- have grown great in spite of your protection.". thing certainly could have been further from his thoughts The gentleman, in commenting on the policy of the than usat he should be compelled again to throw liimself Government, in relation to the new States, has introduced upon the indulgence of the Senate. Little did I expect (said to our notice a certain Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, to Mr. H.] to be called upon to mect such an argument as whom he attributes the celebrated ordinance of '87, by was yesterday urged by the gentleman froin Massachu- which he tells us, “slavery was forever excluded from setts (Mr. WEBSTER.] Sir, 1 questioned no man's opin- the new States north of the Ohio." After eulogizing the ions; I impeached no man's motives; I charged no party, wisdoin of this provision, in terms of the most extravaor State, or section of country, with bostility to any other; gant praise, he breaks forth in admiration of the greatbut ventured, I thought in a becoming spirit, to putness of Nathan Danc-and great, indeed, he must be, if it forth my own sentiments in relation to a great national be true, as stated by the Senator from Massachusetts, question of public policy. Such was my course. The that “ he was greater than Solon and Lycurgus, Minos, gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. Beytox) it is true, had Numa Pompilius, and all the legislators and philosophers charged upon the Eastern States an early and continued of the world,” ancient and modern. Sir, to such high hostility towards the West, and referred to a number of authority it is certainly my duty, in a becoming spirit of


Mr. Foot's Resolution.

(Jar, 25, 1830,

humility, to submit. And yet, the gentleman will pardon West to pay for the public lands. It might, indeed, be me when I say, that it is a little unfortunate for the fame said that this was no more than the refluence of capital of this great legislator, that the gentleman from Missouri which had previously gone over the mountains. Be it go should have proved that he was not the author of the or- Still its practical effect was to produce inconvenience, if dinance of '87, on which the Senator from Massachusetts not distress, by absorbing the money of the people.” has reared so glorious a monument to his name.

Sir, I I contended that the public lands ought not to be treatdoubt not the Senator will feel some compassion for our ed merely as "a fund for revenue;" that they onght not ignorance, when I tell him, that so little are we acquainted to be hoarded “as a great treasure." On this point the with the modern great men of New England, that, until Senator expressed himself thus: “Government, he behe informed us yesterday, that we possessed a Solon and lieved, had received eighteen or twenty millions of dollars a Lycurgus in the person of Nathan Danc, he was only from the public lands, and it was with the greatest satisknown to the South as a member of a celebrated assem- faction he adverted to the change which had been introbly called and known by the name of “the Hartford duced in the mode of paying for them; yet he could ne. Convention.” In the proceedings of that assembly, which ver think the national domain was to be regarded as any I hold in my hand, (at page 19) will be found, in a few great source of revenue. The great object of the Golines, the history of Nathan Dane; and a little further on, vernment in respect to those lands, was not so much the there is conclusive evidence of that ardent devotion to the money derived from their sale, as it was the getting of interests of the new States, which, it seems, has given them settled. What he meant to say wao, that he did him a just claim to the title of "Father of the West.” not think they ought to hug that donai as a great trcaBy the 2d resolution of the “ Hartford Convention,” it is sure, which was to enrich the exchequer.” declared, “ that it is expedient to attempt to make provi Now, Mr. Presiclent, it will be seen that the very docsion for restraining Congress in the exercise of an unlimit- trines which the gentleman so indignantly abandons, were ed power to make new States, and admitting them into urged by him in 1825; and if I had actually borrowed my the Union.” So much for Nathan Dane, of Beverly, sentiments from those which he then avowed, I could not Massachusetts.

have followed more closely in his footsteps. Sir, it is onIn commenting upon my views in relation to the public ly since the gentleman quoted this book, yesterday, that lands, the gentleman insists that it being one of the con- my attention has been turned to the sentiments he expressditions of the grants, that these lands should be applied to ed in 1825, and, if i had remembered them, I might pos. “the common benefit of all the States, they must always sibly have been deterred from uttering sentiments here remain a fund for revenue,” and adds, “they must be which, it might well be supposed, I had borrowed from treated as so much treasure." Sir, the gentleman could that gentleman. hardly find language strong enough to convey his disap In 1825, the gentleman told the world, that the public probation of the policy which I had ventured to recom- |lands “ought not to be treated as a treasure." He now mend to the favorable consideration of the country. And tells us, that " they must be treated as so much treasure." what, sir, was that policy, and what is the difference be- What the deliberate opinion of the gentleman on this subtween that gentleman and myself, on this subject? Iject may be, belongs not to me to determine; but, I do not threw out the idea, that the public lands ought not to be think he can, with the shadow of justice or propriety, imreserved forever as “a great fund for revenue;" that they pugn my sentiments, while his own recorded opinions are ought not to be “treated as a great treasure;” but that identical with my own. When the gentleman refers to the the course of our policy should rather be directed towards conditions of the grants under which the United States the creation of new States, and building up great and have acquired these lands, and insists that, as they are deflourishing communities.

clared to be “for the common bencfit of all the States," Now, Sir, will it be believed, by those who now hear they can only be treated as so much treasure, I think he me, and who listened to the gentleman's denunciation of has applied a rule of construction too narrow for the case. my doctrines yesterday, that a book then lay open before If, in the deeds of cession, it has been declared that the him, nay, that he held it in his hand, and read from it cer- grants were intended for “the common benefit of all the tain passages of his own speech, delivered to the House States,” it is clear, from other provisions, that they were of Representatives, in 1825, in which specch he himself not intended merely as so much property: for, it is excontended for the very doctrines I had advocated, and al- pressly declared that the object of the grants is the erecmost in the same terms. Here is the speech of the Hon. tion of new States; and the United States, in accepting the Daniel Webster, contained in the first volume of Gales and trust, bind themselves to facilitate the foundation of these Seaton's Register of Debates, (p. 251) delivered in the States, to be admitted into the Union with all the rights House of Representatives, on the 18th' January, 1825, in and privileges of the original States. This, sir, was the a debate on the Cumberland Road--the very debate from great end to which all parties looked, and it is by the fulwhich the Senator read yesterday. I shall read from this filment of this high tust, that “the common benefit of all celebrated speech two passages, from which it will appear the States” is to be best promoted. Sir, let me tell the that, both as to the past and the future policy of the Go- gentleman, that, in the part of the country in which I live, vernment in relation to the public lands, the gentleman we do not measure political benefits by the money standfrom Massachusetts maintained, în 1825, substantially the ard. We consider as more valuable than gold-liberty, same opinions whicli I have advanced, but which he now principle, and justice. But, sir, if we are bound to act on so strongly reprobates. I said, sir, that the system of the narrow principles contended for by the gentleman, I credit sales, by which the West had been kept constantly am wholly at a loss to conceive how he can reconcile his in debt to the United States, and by which their wealth principles with his own practice. The lands are, it seems, was drained cft to be expended elsewhere, had operated to be treated “as so much treasure," and mist be applied injuriously on their prosperity. On this point the gentle to the “common benefit of all the States. Now, if this man froin Massachusetts, in January, 1825, expressed be so, whence dces lie derive the right to appropriate them himself thus: “There could be no doubt, if gentlemen for partial and local objects? How can the gentleman looked at the money received into the treasury from the consent to vote away inmense bodies of these lands--for sale of the public lands to the West, and then looked to canals in Indiana and Illinois, to the Louisville and Portthe whole amount expended by Government, (even in- land Canal, to Kenyon College in Ohio, to Schools for the cluding the whole of what was laid out for the army) Deaf and Dumb, and other objects of a similar descripthe latter must be allowed to be very inconsidera- tion? If grants of this character can fairly be considered ble, and there must be a constant drain of money from the las made « for the common benefit of all the States,” it

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