FEB. 19, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. from Ohio themselves, that that State now contains more But Mississippi, "part of the old thirteen"--here could population, wealth, intelligence, and moral worth, than it be no constitutional objection--and all opposition to its would if the lands from the first had been given them. admission must be hostility to the West, and nothing else. The opposition to the purchase of Louisiana has been Sir, I do not pretend to very great geographical accuracy, triumphantly seized upon as conclusive evidence of New nor would I willingly intrude upon that Senator's dominEngland hostility. Here, too, the Senator from Missouri ions, but it is, I confess, the first time I have been informwill find that he has been most unlucky, and has cruelly ed that the State of Mississippi was at all embraced within mangled his friends. The first outcry against this came the old thirteen. I did understand that the eastern side line from "magnanimous Virginia." You recollect, sir, the pre- of that State ran south into the Gulf of Mexico, and that tended disclosure of the two millions sent out to Amster- the southern line included all islands within six leagues of dam to subsidize France--France wants money, and she the coast. Now, I never understood that the Gulf of must have it! and all that sort of thing: this came from Mexico there, or any of its islands, were to be found north a distinguished Virginian. Now I believe the whole of of the thirty-first degree of latitude. If I am right in this, this affair was this: that the two millions was an intended the same constitutional objection would arise here as in the deposite to facilitate the negotiation for Louisiana; but, case of Louisiana; and this was probably the reason why however important the acquisition of Louisiana might be, the minority voted against the bill authorizing that terri(and I never doubted its importance) I think a statesman tory to form a const tution preparatory to its admission into might very honestly oppose it without incurring the impu- the Union. But the objection having been twice overtation of hostility to any one. The right of the United ruled, it was probably considered as res judicata; hence, States to acquire a foreign territory and population was on the resolution of admission, there was no objection, nor seriously questioned by some very honest politicians and was there any to Alabama, two years after, when that distinguished Statesmen. And if this were now res nora, State was admitted. Sir, allow me to read the opinion of and presented as a mere constitutional point, disconnected a distinguished statesman on this constitutional question: with any great expediency, or important crisis, it would "On further consideration as to the amendment to our puzzle many of us to find the powers in the constitution constitution, respecting Louisiana, I have thought it better, which would authorize the purchase. At any rate, if men instead of enumerating the powers which Congress may were then to be found who would not sacrifice their oaths exercise, to give them the same powers they have, as to to any expediency, it is most illiberal and unjust to impugn other portions of the Union generally, and to enumerate their motive, or imagine that they were sinister. I there. the special exceptions in some such form as the following: fore demand the proof of this hostility in this case. "Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is Mr. Monroe's nomination as minister to France was op- made a part of the United States; its white inhabitants posed in the Senate. Mr. Livingston and he were associat-shall be citizens, and stand, as to their rights and obligaed to accomplish the object. But Mr. Livingston was tions, on the same footing with other citizens of the United unanimously confirmed; and hence my colleague [Mr. States, in analogous situations: save only that, as to the SPRAGUE] has put the question, If this vote against Mr. Monroe were hostility to the measure, why was Livingston, who was to accomplish the object, unanimously confirmed? This question, until answered, throws this surmise to the winds. The treaty of cession was opposed; five from New England voting against it. Now, the very fact that a proposition was made to obtain the consent of the States to its ratification, is conclusive that the objection was a con-ed, shall become a part of the United States; its white institutional one. There were, moreover, serious doubts whether there were not contradictory stipulations in that treaty. portion thereof lying north of an east and west line drawn through the mouth of Arkansas river, no new State shall be established, nor any grants of land made, other than to Indians, in exchange for equivalent portions of land occupied by them, until an amendment of the constitution shall be made for these purposes." "Florida, also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtain habitants shall thereupon be citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other citizens of the United States, in analogous situations. I quote this for your consideration, observing that the less that is said about any constitutional difficulty, the better; and that it will be desirable for Congress to do what is necessary in silence.” But there were other and stronger objections still to the admission of Louisiana into the Union. Though Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson both, and many others, believed that her admission was forbidden by the constitution, yet, at that time, 1812, it would be clearly an infraction of the This, to be sure, is a singular document. The propositreaty of cession to admit her. By the third article, the tion, if I understand it, is so to amend the constitution now, inhabitants were to become citizens, to have equal rights as to admit all south of the mouth of the Arkansas, about with our own, and to be admitted into the Union as soon as latitude thirty-four, and reserve all north, including the possible. By the seventh article, the subjects of France whole of Missouri, and nearly all the Arkansas Territory, and Spain were, for twelve years, to trade there on the for Indians and wild beasts, until the constitution should same footing as our own citizens. Now, when Louisiana be amended again. Now, this must have been some inveapplied, and was in fact admitted, three years of the twelve terate Yankee, whose hostility was such, that he would had yet to expire. As by the constitution no State can even benefit the South at the expense of the West. have any privilege of commerce not common to all, it was such thing, sir; he was a statesman of "the generous manifest that the admission of Louisiana at that time, was South," of "magnanimous Virginia!" the apostle of the either a violation of the constitution, or of the treaty of republican party, the Mahomet of the faithful, the illuscession. The question presented was, shall we place our-trious Jefferson! No selves in this dilemma, or postpone Louisiana only three Now, sir, were that patriot alive and here, he might, in years longer? However partial I might have been to Lou-five minutes, explain his motives to our perfect satisfacsiana, I should have voted to postpone her, and ventured tion. This single case proves the cruelty and injustice of to incur the imputation of hostility to the West, rather quoting the opinions of men who cannot be here to exthan the responsibility of the infraction of the treaty of plen, for the purpose of impugning their motives. And cession. And France docs complain of this act as an in- shall we, the Senate of the United States, once the most fraction of that treaty, and many of our merchants are august assembly in the world, thus "dig up dead men now suffering-France refusing to indemnify them until we compensate her for the injury she has sustained by our admission of Louisiana into the Union before the expiration of the twelve years. from their graves, and set them at their dear friends' doors, when the grief is almost forgot, and on their skins (as on the bark of trees) carve, in Roman letters, 'let not your sorrows die, though I am dead!"" Sir, the public man SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [FEB. 19, 1830, One of her here, can have very little inheritance to transmit to his de- speak for himself-he has spoken. Be his views what scendents, except the trifle of reputation which he may they may, I utterly disclaim all intention to depreciate acquire--small indeed--from the frettings of party colli- in the least that State. I know too well the courage and sion and private animosity. Suppose, then, that, in some patriotism of her gallant sons. I have experienced here half century hence, when you and the Senator from Mis- too much of the talents and eloquence of her statesmen to souri, and I, and all of us, shall be slumbering in our hum- degrade myself in attempting to degrade her. ble tombs, and mingling with our kindred earth; when sons-her son did I say?--no! The son of the West!-even our children shall all have gone after us, and some no! His pure patriotism, sterling integrity, splendid clolittle female orphan shall be groping her way through the quence, and incorruptible republican principles, are the path of this wilderness-the world, beset with thorns, and treasure of the whole people. And although the arrows briars, and thistles, as we know; with few roses and flow-of calumny, dipped in poison, have been showered proers, as God knows; having nothing for her passport but fusely at his bosom, they have fallen harmless at his feet; the little fame her ancestor might have acquired here; and and should he ever be elevated to the highest honors in the some malignant spirit, some ambitious demagogue, should gift of a free people, which are the highest on earth, the rise up in this Senate, and, by ransacking the Journals, bosom of the West, and of Kentucky in particular, will selecting detached votes, "here a little and there a little," swell with patriotic pride, that their favorite has met the succeed in blasting his fame, and thus robbing her of her reward of his patriotism. But should it be otherwise-for last pittance of inheritance; the very thought would prompt the ways of the Great Disposer of Events are, to us, mysus to start from our seats, take our hats, make our bow, terious-"clouds and darkness are round about him"-and bid an everlasting adieu to these walls; to retire to our should this distinguished individual, like Brutus, become native homes, where our fathers "toiled with their own a victim of his own republican virtues; should he even hands, and all our frugal ancestors were blessed with hum- share a similar fate; should his tomb be as humble as that ble virtue and a rural life--there live retired," weep over of the humblest slave; the future republican of the West, the degradations of our degraded country, and "content if republican there should be, will feel the big tear startourselves to be obscurely good:" for when vice prevails and ing in his eye, when his infant shall lisp the name of HENscandal holds the rule, "the post of honor is a private RY CLAY! station." Sir, I saw no good reason to bring slavery into discusBut the objections to the admission of Missouri into the sion here. It is not pretended that we have a right to inUnion have been summoned in aid of the proof of the terfere with the condition of the inhabitants of a State. I hostility of New England to the West. If the votes here was against the proposed restriction upon Missouri, not for prove any thing, they prove the hostility of the West reasons given in this debate, but because I did not believe against itself: for I believe that every vote of the Repre- the constitution gave us the power to impose it; and I did sentatives of the States northwest of the Ohio was against hope that, by scattering those already here, we should the admission of Missouri without the restriction against better their condition. So strong are the feelings of my slavery. The inference is, therefore, irresistible, that no hostility was intended, but that a great moral and benevolent principle was the governing principle in that contro versy. constituents on this subject, that, when it is touched, I feel myself on the brink of a precipice. It is one upon which they will scarcely stop to reason; and I feel myself bound to protest that the arguments urged here, in favor of slaveThe Senator from South Carolina, in speaking of the ry, are not, and never were mine, and I utterly disclaim part which others from New England acted in that ques- them. In the Missouri question it was pretended by no tion, took care not to include the individual who now ad- one to justify slavery in the abstract; I did not vote upon dresses you, unless it was in his general et cetera. I pre- the ground that slavery, as has been contended, was prosume he intended nothing invidious: for generally, in the fit; I believed, and still believe, that it is very unprofitadecorum in debate, and the deportment and dignity which ble; but, if otherwise, it can never be defended on that belongs to the Senator, there are very few whose example ground. Nor did I suppose that slavery was strength; I would follow sooner than the example of that gentle-but, on the contrary, that it was weakness. Nor that it man. [Here the Senator from South Carolina rose, and refined, sublimated, and exalted, republican principles. stated that Mr. H. was mistaken; that he did not allude to New England would much prefer the old fashioned, unthis question, but to the conduct in New England during garnished republicanism, extended to all, rather than that the war; and that he had no intention of making, in that, transcendent refinement produced by a contrast with slaveany discrimination invidious to Mr. H. and complimenting ry. Much less was it pretended that slavery was inculcathim for his conduct on that occasion.] I know [said Mr. ed or countenanced by the Gospel. An opinion so appaH.] that he could have intended no such thing; but the rently impious never was lisped by any one. That a reliSenator from Missouri went farther, and, as I thought, gion which breathed peace on earth, and good will to men, paid my friend from Connecticut a compliment at my ex- whose invitation was, "come unto me, all ye that labor pense. Now, sir, considering the condition in which I and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest; take my was placed on that appalling question, I cannot say that I yoke upon you and learn of me, for my yoke is easy and feel entirely careless of this. Sir, I have learnt from my my burden is light," should be quoted to justify slavery, observation of men and things, that there is no rational indicates to me a perversion of its spirit, without a paralhuman being to whose good opinion I would be indiffer- lel. No, sir, the plea then was, we have slaves, and we ent, and consequently I would not feel entirely indifferent can't help it. "We have the wolf by the ear, and we to this; although, of all the gentlemen with whom I have cannot hold him nor safely let him go." I have now behad any acquaintance, there are very few whose opinion I fore me an original letter from Mr. Jefferson, which holds could better dispense with. the language on this subject which I have quoted. But if Sir, this discussion of this question of slavery was un- this line should be marked deeper and deeper, the sin will necessary. The Senator froni Massachusetts, as I under- be at the door of the slave-holding States. Since the destood him, was discussing the merits of the ordinance of cision of the Missouri question, nine-tenths of the excite1787, which excluded involuntary servitude; and, as an ment has been produced from the South itself. evidence of the wisdom of this provision, he noticed the relative prosperity of Ohio and Kentucky. He expressly disclaimed any intention to disparage or depreciate the highly respectable State of Kentucky. But it is unaccessary that I should become his justifier or apologist--he can It is by stirring the question, and by arguments such as have been urged in this debate, which will provoke discussion, and revive all the angry passions which once became so alarming. I now come to the last branch of the charge, which was finished down to the close of Washington's administration; FEB. 19, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE withholding protection, and encouraging the savages. Sir, this same gentleman is honored as "the orator of a party after the treaty of Greenville, and the surrender of the confessedly hostile to the Government.” Down to the Western posts, I recollect few instances in which the West close of the war, the same opposition to the Government needed protection, until just before the late war with continued elsewhere, as well as in New England; and we Great Britain. During that Indian war, I would ask, in know that some of the most violent have been very lately what instance did New England withhold her aid? At rewarded for their adhession to this administration. Tippecanoe the victory was achieved by the efficient aid But, notwithstanding the opposition of a party in New of the brave fourth, commanded by the gallant and pro- England, the blood of New England flowed copiously scribed Harrison. The victory at Brownstown was achiev- and profusely in that war-on the ocean, the land, and ed by the brave but unassuming Miller, and his Spartan the lakes. Who were they who compelled "the mistress band, from New England. And even during the late war, of the ocean" to "douse the cross of St. George" to "the where is the evidence of our hostility to the West? My star spangled banner?" New Englanders. Who fought colleague has occupied the whole ground. Allowing that at Lundy's Lane, at Niagara, and at Erie? New Englanders. the ruling party in New England conducted as bad as had Yes, sir, more New England blood was spilt, and more been described and God forbid I should attempt to justi- prowess displayed, from the hardy sons of New England, fy their measures-still, that the motive was hostility to the in that conflict, in proportion to her population, than from West, is not only an inconsequence, but the evidence ad- any other portion of the United States; and for the produced shows clearly that it was totally different, viz: hos-tection of the Western frontier, too, whose inveterate foe tility to the administration. we have always been. Who composed the crews of the The Hartford Convention was a rash measure, and par- fleets on Erie, Ontario, and Champlain, under your Perry, ticularly objectionable at the time. It was opposed on the your Chauncey, and Macdonough? The same hardy unground, too, of its sectional character-its tendency to yielding race, the sons of the pilgrims." And this, sir, excite local jealousies, against which we were so solemnly is the hostility for which we have been denounced and proand affectionately warned by the Father of his Country in scribed, and put "under the ban of the empire!" his Farewell Address. It was the same spirit which I have The Senator from Missouri has introduced the dinner lately witnessed in the South, and which we now witness given in Boston to General Hull, at the close of the war, in this attack upon New England. I will condemn it at as evidence of this hostility. Yet he is professing to exall times, and every where. I have little doubt that the empt the republicans who supported the war from the madness referred to was as great, in many instances, as the charge. In this case he has certainly been very unfortuspecimens exhibited by the Senator from South Carolina nate; and when scattering his "firebrands, arrows, and indicated. The Osgoods, Parishes, and Gardiners, of that death," whether in sport or not, he dashes them indisday, were madmen--maniacs. It is not improbable that some criminately at friends and foes. I happen to know a thing one of them would have consigned over any one who or two about that dinner. The truth is, it was gotten up should loan money to the Government, to the three distin- by the republicans. A certain Mr. Green, (not Duff) a guished personages* mentioned by that gentleman; and former editor of the Statesman, and lately translated to that, if he had thought of it, he would have put into the the post office there, worth about four thousand dollars list your humble servant, not by striking out and inserting, per year, was, if not one of the committee of arrangebut by adding him to the end of the list, immediately after ments, a very active agent in the affair. A certain Mr. His Infernal Majesty, in order to cap the climax. Sir, Simpson, said to be the minister plenipotentiary of the clergymen are bad politicians; they are generally ignorant Boston Jackson party "near this court," was one of the of the subject, become enthusiasts, profane the pulpit, Vice Presidents, and a certain Mr. Henshaw, lately proand thus injure the cause which they espouse. The cler-moted to the custom house there, an office worth six gymen of the Revolution, though generally Whigs, very thousand dollars a year, was another of the Vice Presioften outraged all decency. I recollect this anecdote: dents. Now, as the Federalists have sins enough of their One was praying in his pulpit, very fervently and appro- own to answer for, I thought it right to do them this act of priately; he came, at length, to ask a blessing on the sea-justice. I know, all along, that the charges were not, son, that we might have alternate showers and sunshine, in and, indeed, from the nature and extent of them, could not, order that we might have good crops, so that, at the close be confined to any party in New England. Yet I scarcely thereof, we might come with a meat offering and drink thought that the Senator would thus fall to hacking and offering; but he superadded "more especially we pray hewing the friends, and the prominent rewarded friends, for good crops of hemp, to make ropes to hang the tories." of the administration. But this will be, I suppose, like This, to be sure, was profanation. But, politically, it lovers' quarrels-soon made up. They will pocket the looked forward to two important objects: to dispose of the abuse, if they can also pocket the money. tories, who then were a very great annoyance; and to "domestic industry"-pointing out the object and the market. So that the Senator from South Carolina will perceive that Massachusetts was "tariff" at a very early period. But still we have done nothing for the West. The fifteen millions paid for Louisiana was nothing. The millions expended upon the Cumberland road was nothing. The extinguishment of the Indian title to about two hundred and eighty millions of acres, and the survey of one But New England is not to be charged with opposition; hundred and forty millions, are nothing. The grants for nor is even the party there exclusively culpable. Other schools and seminaries of learning are nothing. The alterpoliticians of high character, in other parts of the Union, nate section system, to which the humble exertions of the inwere as intemperate as they were. As early as 1806, a dividual who addresses you, contributed something, was nodistinguished statesman of Virginia was the leader of this thing. The appropriations for improving the navigation of New England party. He was known as such at home and the Ohio and Mississippi are, if any thing, mere trifles. "The abroad. I have before me a review of certain pamphlets, poor West!" The proscribed, persecuted, and afflicted published in England, and reviewed in the Edinburgh Re- West! O! New England, how many sins hast thou to atone view of that period, entitled "War in Disguise;" "Con- for, for thy cruelty and tyranny to the suffering West! cessions to America the Bane of Great Britain;" "Oil But we have had more than the West. We have had without Vinegar, and Honor without Pride," &c.; in which appropriations for light houses! And appropriations for light houses are for the exclusive benefit of the Atlantic Mr. Hayne had read from some document that some one of these coast! This proposition has been so often repeated, and madmen had threatened that the man who should loan money to the so often refuted, and is so utterly ridiculous in itself, that Government to carry on the war, should be consigned over to James I sicken to mention it. My friend from Massachusetts, who Madison, Felix Grundy, and the Devil.-Note by Mr. H. SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [FEB. 22, 1830. sits before me, [Mr. SILSBEE] knows full well that light man-the worthy predecessor of my worthy friend from houses are very far from being for the benefit of those Massachusetts. But it seemed a little strange that the where they are built-the language of at least one-half South, who went shoulder to shoulder against that tariff, is not come in," but "stand off." Pray, sir, is the should, so soon as 1828, have been so "generous" as to light house on "Cape Florida," and that on the "Dry have voted to impose such heavy burthens upon the peoTortugas," for the local benefit of those places? There ple, for the gratification of the West, unless they were are no inhabitants at either of those places. I cannot influenced by an expectation of this reward for their gespeak of this with any patience. Any one who has the nerosity, which they since experienced in full fruition--I least understanding of the subject knows it is a miserable mean the high eulogium of the Senator from Missouri. pretext. But the truth is, the South voted to retain the obnoxious We have built ships. A ship of the line is built at the features in the tariff of 1828, not so much from generosinavy yard at Charlestown. Is this for the protection and ty to the West, as from a determination to defeat the bill, defence of the harbor of Boston? No, sir; that harbor by making it as odious as possible. I admit that this is is defensible without it. But how is it with the grand parliamentary, but not always safe. By this mode of leoutlet of the West? In case of war, one ship of the line gislation there is some danger of making a bitter pill, would effectually blockade the mouth of the Mississippi, which we may be obliged to swallow, not much to our and thus shut up the whole West. Ay, sir, one single taste. It happened so in this case; the South scorched sloop did thus blockade it effectually. her own fingers. But, nevertheless, "thanks to the generous South!" But how is it with the grants of roads and canals in the West, and the improvement of the navigation of the rivers? What, for instance, is New England to gain in uniting the waters of Lake Erie with those of the Ohio, compared to the benefits to that State? The appropriations for these objects have not been viewed in their true light. There is an immense and immeasurable difference between the local and the general benefit. Let the West view these things dispassionately, and they will see and acknowledge that, while Congress is bestowing its bounty to the East, it is for the general good; but when it extends its appropriations to the West, the advantage is almost exclusively sectional. Now, sir, it is vain that I have proved the charges against New England untrue and utterly groundless. They have gone forth. Such is human depravity in these days, that the scandal is greedily seized, and the refutation is disregarded. If a Senator here, in this high fand exalted station, will make such accusations, how many will be predisposed to believe them, and how many more will, without inquiry, take them upon trust? If these things are seen in the green tree, what may we expect in the dry? If the golden vessels of your political sanctuary are thus marred, how is it to fare with the earthen pitchers? If the sturdy oak thus bends his majestic branches to the blast, what is to become of the hyssop upon the wall? If, in fine, these things are said by a Senator here, in the spirit of charity, what may we not expect of others, in the spirit of malignity? The Senator from Missouri is, if I understand him, against all rail roads across, and all canals through, the mountains, from the West to the Atlantic; and his reasons are, that he prefers New Orleans for the exclusive market for the West. He seems to apprehend that the Mississippi is Have you not proscribed us enough? This administrato be drained, and a rail road is to be constructed in its bed. tion has glutted its vengeance upon the purest patriots on This was probably a figure of speech, a flourish of rhetoric.carth, for no other reason than that they have exercised But he is seriously alarmed, lest, by establishing different the rights of freemen. No age, condition, sect, or sex, avenues to different markets, the grower and manufacturer has escaped. This sin of the fathers has been, and is to will suffer in the price of their produce. Sir, if he believes be, visited upon the children, even to the third and fourth he can by this disturb the repose of the West, he pays no generations. Innocence, virtue, patriotism, all, all swept, compliment to their sagacity. Why, the brutes know with a rude and ruthless hand, into the gulf of misery, better than this. If you have half a dozen pastures, and And still is not all this enough? Must we yet be arraignan avenue to each, the horse, when the grass becomes ed as felons, and charged as parricides and fratricides? short in one, has sagacity enough to go to another, and You had better let us alone. Take care not to push us will always select the best. It is the first time, I confess, further. I repeat, let us alone. Leave us but our indusI have ever heard it alleged that the facility of transportation to different markets was a public injury. There seems, too, to be a mysterious change in the Senator's mind in regard to Internal Improvements. If I have hitherto understood him correctly, he has been quite liberal on these subjects. In grants for roads, rivers, and canals, I have never perceived, in him, any very serious constitutional scruples. Any man, I admit, may yield to expediency. Whether his recent attachment to "the generous South" has influenced his constitutional opinions, I am unable to determine. try, our enterprise, our churches, our colleges, our acade- MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1830. The Senate resumed the consideration of the resolution heretofore offered by Mr. FOOT. Mr. NOBLE rose, and said that the subject now before "The tariff," also. What does he mean here? "We the Senate had afforded a field for argument, and a topic have a tariff-thanks to the generous South!" This was for general conversation. The opportunity had been fulin 1828. Now, sir, it is true that New England has been ly embraced by those who had addressed the Senate, only literally dragged into the tariff system, and by the West; being confined to the subject now and then. It was not to and when it is found that her enterprise is equal to any be understood that any complaint was made by him for the exigency, tariff or not, and her capital has been largely course that the argument had taken: for he should indulge invested in manufactures, she is to be driven out. In 1824, in the same latitude of debate. The birth day of Washwe were alarmed. But finding that "home industry"ington [said. Mr. N.] was a happy day to the people of this was raging like a house on fire, we concluded to make continent, as subsequent events have proved. From his that tariff as palatable as possible, and take it rather than early manhood, he was the protector of the civil and relido worse. That bill was pruned in the Senate by prac-gious rights of his countrymen. In war he had conduct tical men. It was suspended for several days on a contro- and courage, and conquered to save, and not murder. In versy between the West and the South, of no ordinary peace, and during his administration, he esteemed freedom animosity, upon the single article of "cotton bagging." of thought a blessing to man--one of his absolute rights; It was adjusted by the interposition of a New England- and he looked with disdain on any that attempted foul pro FEB. 22, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. scription, and overawing of electors at the polls. He of the West were abhorrent to the genius and liberty of the fered no reward, nor held out any punishment, nor did he country. What freeman will ever forget the tyrant's readd bounty for the purpose of becoming the Chief Magis- mark? Not one, sir. Shortly after the election of Mr. trate of the United States, that he might glut his vengeance Adams to be the President of the United States, every upon those who had independence to vote as they pleased. His mind was more enlarged, moral, generous, brave; and as a statesman, while President of the United States, his constant object was to co-operate with the Congress of the United States as to the best plan to have the Western lands settled, and to improve the internal and foreign condition of the Union. unusual method was resorted to, with a determination to cripple his administration and render it ridiculous, having little or no regard to the public weal. It is well known that the people, in the electoral colleges, failed to make choice of a President, and that the people, by the constitution of the United States, long ago declared that, if they failed to choose a President, their Representatives should elect one. The Representatives did make a choice; and, because all could not be satisfied, to affect the administration, steps immediately were taken to destroy it. The hireling presses began. Terms of bargain, intrigue, corruption, and coalition, were charged upon Messrs. Adams and Clay: although an investigation was promptly demanded by Mr. Clay, in the House of Representatives, when and where all were present, and his accusers, instead of investigating, hid their faces, and dreaded truth. Hireling presses have spoken of a second Washington. Without intending to give any offence, and with great respect for the opinions of all, however they may differ from me, I must be permitted to say, if "the hero of two wars" be called the second Washington, it is no more than a mere mockery at the door of the tomb of Washington. Providence, in his wisdom, a few years ago, on the 4th of July, called to rest two of the distinguished signers of the Declaration of Independence--the elder Adams and the venerable Jefferson. The former was the father of the navy-the right arm of defence to the interest of the It has been considered by all, and especially those most United States. Since which time, we flaming republicans skilled in construing the constitution, that the Senate on the improvement of the navy have been compelled to has power to reject or confirm any nomination made to walk in his footsteps, and not sail in gun boats. Once them by the President. The Senate is not, nor ever should more, and respectfully for the opinions of others, if we be, the creature of the Executive, merely to register his have a second Washington, he is not in office. decrees. The framers of the constitution designed that the Senate should resist corrupt acts and encroachments made by the President against the constitution or rights of the people. The resolution now under consideration, I shall vote to postpone, on the motion made by the honorable member from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER] for the reason that the resolution is uncalled for, which I will show before 1 close my remarks. The honorable member from South Carolina [Mr. HAYNE] has amused the Senate with his own thoughts in reference to the eloquent Roanoke orator administering sweet morsels. For my part, I am willing to leave the orator where the honorable member found him. No one would have a right to interrupt him in so harmless an undertaking as admnistering sweet morsels to Towser, Sweetlips, Tray, Blanche, or Sweetheart. I am content to which of them he administers; it creates no envy in me, nor will the Government tremble if it was administered to Sweetheart: for I strongly suspect it was the first sweet morsel he ever administered. [Here Mr. TAZEWELL called Mr. NOBLE to order, who took his seat, when the President of the Senate decided that Mr. NOBLE was not out of order, and directed him to proceed.] Mr. NOBLE resumed, and stated that, if the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. TAZEWELL] considered truth severe, he might prepare his mind for it, throughout his observations. He had said, he would leave the Roanoke orator where the honorable member from South Garolina found him. I have concluded, however, to make the history of the orator full as to sweet morsels, and remind the Senate, from newspaper publications, of his voyage from this continent to England, and while on his voyage his quarrel with the captain about his dog; whether it was on account of Towser or any other, or the cause which led to the quarrel was, that the captain would not let his dog sit at the table, or lie on it, is unimportant for my purpose now to inquire. If my view of the duty of the Senate be true, let me examine into the conduct of the present prime minister, Mr. Van Buren, who was a Senator at the time that Mr. Adams nominated Mr. Clay to be Secretary of State. He was acting as Senator in the presence of the present Chief Ma gistrate, both of whom had to pass on Mr. Clay's nomination. Not one word was said in the Senate by the present Secretary of State, nor by the present Chief Magistrate, relative to bargain, sale, &c. but, on the contrary, Mr. Van Buren voted to confirm the nomination of Mr. Clay. [See Executive Journal, March 7, 1825.] Can any rational man believe that, if any bargain, sale, &c. existed between Mr. Clay aud Mr. Adams, or any of the Representatives, that the present Chief Magistrate would not have been advised, and that it would not certainly have reached Mr. Van Buren? All who know Mr. Van Buren truly, believe that he thinks that he has the affairs of the whole community on his hands. If Mr. Van Buren knew of any intrigue or bargain in his vote for the confirmation of the nomination of Mr. Clay, the skirts of his honesty are scorched, and he stood god-father at the font for the child of bargain, sale, and corruption. Since so much has been said about bargain and sale, let me examine and draw rational inferences from another supposed bargain and sale, more recent. I have said that the President and Mr. Van Buren were in the Senate together, and voted upon Mr. Clay's nomination differently. It was evidently to be seen that the former was distempered with passion, at least to my mind. Mr. Van Buren continued to serve in the Senate, or hold his seat, till shortly after or before he was elected Governor of New York, during the time Mr. Adams administered the Government. The Senate and the people of the United States may The election of General Jackson being announced, and rest assured, that this celebrated Roanoke orator never pending his election, the Secretary of State, full of politi was, nor never will be, considered orthodox in the West. cal intrigue, caused his newspapers to blend the election He is considered in that country as being an aristocrat, of Governor and President together, denouncing the then wrapped up in British policy, and a tyrant if he had the administration. The Commonwealth of New York was power. I will not give myself more trouble on this point, not so extensive as to induce the prime minister to warm than to quote one sentence, to strip him of his aristocracy. the Executive chair: for it seems he preferred raising his flag He did say, in this chamber, that he would sooner be seen of defiance against the suffrages of the voters of New York, conversing with his shoe black about his vote that he could which he had obtained. He sold them, as so many cattle, control, than to be seen conversing with a man who had to gratify his own ambition. His acts prove to me, that a no land for his vote; and that the principles and people of wider range than the United States was necessary for his VOL. VI.-22 |