FEB. 3, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. The honorable Senator told us, with great emphasis, the north, New Brunswick on the east, and from two to that the enemy was permitted to establish himself, and to three hundred miles of sea coast, which the enemy comopen a custom house upon the soil of Massachusetts; and manded, on the south. She owned one-ninth part of all so much reliance did he place upon this as a cause of re- the tonnage of the United States, and at the commenceproach, that it was reiterated three times in the course of ment of the war there were not two hundred regular his speech. It is most unjust. The people of that State, troops in the State. Her citizens did not wait to be soliwithout distinction of party, were at all times resolved to cited, but voluntarily tendered their services to their defend their territory, and prompt in resisting the ap- country, and three regiments were immediately organized, proach of the enemy. The gentleman's allusion could not by which her territory was defended at all points, until, be misunderstood: it was to the capture and detention of in 1813, all the troops raised for the defence of Maine, Castine, a small village situated on a little peninsula, on even those in the garrisons, were, by order of the Secretary the eastern side of the Penobscot river, in the remote of War, marched to the Niagara frontier. The British parts of Maine, where the adjacent country contains but having a strong force in each of the adjacent provinces to a sparse population. It is connected with the main land the north and the east, and a powerful armament on the only by a narrow neck, and is surrounded on its various sea, were, by that withdrawal of the troops, tempted to sides by water deep enough to float ships of the largest annex the lower and unsettled parts of the country to their class, which might, within point blank shot, command eve- colony of New Brunswick; and, with this view, took posry part of the village. I verily believe that a large naval session of Castine, in September, 1814. It was immediforce might bring more guns to bear upon that place than ately determined to compel the adversary to withdraw, there were men in it at the time of its capture. So situat- by carrying the war into his own territory. An army of ed, and destitute of the means of efficient defence, an ten thousand men, commanded by a distinguished citizen overwhelming British fleet captured and took possession of Maine, was to invade New Brunswick at the opening of it. I would ask the gentleman what resistance he him- of the spring; and such progress was actually made, and self would have made? Could he have withstood the bat- with such zeal and alacrity did the people offer their serteries of that fleet with nothing but his sword or his mus- vices, that it was well ascertained that the whole number ket? The idea of successful resistance would have been of troops would be raised within the limits of Maine and mere fatuity. But it is said the enemy retained the place, New Hampshire. The peace alone prevented the plan and opened a custom house. It was not taken until about from being carried into execution; and I hazard nothing the first of September, 1814, and the treaty of peace was in saying that, had the invasion been made, with such signed in December of the same year, of which information troops and such a commander, it would have been no sereached us in February following. Could it have been cond edition of the campaigns of Hampton and Wilkinson. retaken? The British had there a large military and naval Notwithstanding all that has been said of the late war, force. The neck which connects the peninsula with the as derogating from the character of New England, I boldmain land is so low and narrow, that a canal was dugly ask, from what part of the country was it sustained across it, and Castine was thereby converted into an island. with more efficient aid? The gentleman tells us that mo All access to it was completely commanded by the guns ney was withheld by a combination of all the banking inof the enemy's fleet, and we had not a single ship to aid terest. One bank, sir, in the town of Boston, alone, adus; beside which, the whole sea-board of Maine, for more vanced the Government two millions of dollars; and a sinthan two hundred miles, and its numerous rivers, bays, gle individual there a million more. The large amount loanand inlets, containing millions of shipping, were constant- ed in the town of Salem, my friend from Massachusetts now ly harassed by the enemy ranging along the coast, and re- before me, [Mr. SILSBEE] whose ample fortune was enquiring the presence of the militia at every point to repel trusted to his country, can well attest. Sir, without the his threatened depredations. And, even if the militia hard money--not the depreciated paper of broken banks, could have been spared for the enterprise, and it had but the gold and silver which the citizens of New England been possible to recapture the place, the British might caused to be paid into the treasury from loans and the easily have taken possession of any of the numerous adja- customs, your tottering credit must have fallen completely cent islands in the Penobscot bay, and carried on all their prostrate. And when clouds of despair lowered around operations with great facility. you, and thick darkness enveloped your whole horizon, Are we then to be repeatedly reproached with the cap- it was the gleams of glory from the ocean that dispelled ture of Castine, and that too, here--in this capitol-within the gloom and illumined your path. That sun of glory these walls, which have but just risen from the conflagration arose in the East, and was lighted up by the mariners of of the enemy, and are hardly yet purified from the pollu- New England. You manned not a ship; you fired not a tion of hostile feet; and having at this moment at your gun upon the lakes or upon the ocean, without the aid of public navy yard here, a monument bearing an inscription the sons of New England; and in every battle upon the perpetuating the presence and the barbarism of the Bri-water, they poured out their blood in your defence. Uptish? And these acts done, not under the guns of their on land, too, their achievements were unequalled. Those ships, but by a few thousand men marching fifty miles by who, having voluntarily tendered their services, were not land, through a population of two hundred thousand per- permitted to defend their own homes, but marched to the sons; and you having here, in aid of the militia, a thousand frontiers of New York, constituted the regiment which regular troops, a public armory, and the brave little band well earned their expressive appellation of the bloody of sailors commanded by the gallant Barney! ninth; which stood alone against twice their force of BriThe gentleman from South Carolina, himself, told us, tish veterans, whilst half their own numbers had fallen up(I would not otherwise have alluded to the fact) that his on the field! They composed, too, the twenty-first regiown State was completely overrun during the war of the ment, which, at the battle of Niagara, by a desperate efRevolution. It was so, indeed. The British considered fort, in face of a blazing battery of deadly artillery, took it entirely subdued, and, for a time, held over it resistless the eminence which it commanded, and, meeting the foe sway. I mention it not as a reproach; it was inevitable. man to man, repulsed and defeated him in successive onBut that gentleman should have been the last to suggest sets, and destroyed forever the boasted invincibility of the idea that the presence of an enemy upon the soil is a the British bayonet. necessary impeachment of the patriotism or gallantry of the people. I would not have inquired what services South Caroli na rendered during the war, had not the Senator from Maine, from its local position, was more exposed than Missouri, in contrast with the East, made it a theme of any other State in the Union; having Lower Canada on praise and gratitude. When he introduced that topic, I SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. FEB. 3, 1830. was, indeed, somewhat curious to hear his enumeration The subject of slavery, incidentally touched by the of her exploits; and what were they? Why, sir, that gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER] has been she sent her able and eloquent representatives to raise taken up and dwelt upon with great zeal by those who their voices in Congress. I trust that I fully appreciate followed him. It is a topic of such delicacy and difficultheir services, and that no one is more cordially disposed ty, that I have always abstained from referring to it in deto award them their full measure of honor and gratitude. bate; and others from the North have, very generally, But I believe that the enemy would rather that we should practised the same forbearance. have sent thousands of our most eloquent orators, to I have deeply lamented that the sensitiveness of the make their most eloquent speeches upon the floor of slaveholding States should have been so often operated upCongress, than to have met the single crew of that fri-on, out of this House, to produce unkind feelings and ungate which compelled the haughty and boastful Dacres to just accusations against their brethren. We have been told strike the flag of the Guerriere, and bow in submission to that it can always be made a bond of union in political Isaac Hull. warfare, and I much fear that the cry of hostile designs to their rights and property has been too often rung as a larum to rally the whole slaveholding population in one array against those who have never indulged an unfriendly thought. When the gentleman from South Carolina spoke in terms of commendation of the merits and exertions of the republicans of the East, I was relieved and gratified. I supposed that he was willing to embrace, wit hin that description, all who cherished true republican principles. The people in the North do, undoubtedly, condemn But what was my astonishment when he afterwards nar-slavery in the abstract, and deeply deplore its existence rowed down his description; and confined his approba- in our country; but they have not the remotest intention tion to the few who united with him in the last Presiden- of disturbing this domestic relation, by thrusting themtial election. He told us that the "democracy of New selves between the master and his bondmen. They know England" had always acted with the South; not only in that, as the institution actually exists, they have no right, the war of 1812, but, "in the civil contest of 1828," that by the constitution, to attempt to overturn it; that to do it was then, as now, the ally of the South. This is, in- so might dissolve the Union; and that their interference, deed, restricting our republicanism to very narrow limits; so far from relieving the slave from bondage, would probaby the test of the electoral votes, to one-fiftieth, and bly aggravate his condition, and rivet his chains more firmby any other just criterion, to a small part only of the ly. The gentleman has spoken of the prejudices of the people. And thus veterans of the democratic party, East. Sir, what he has thus denominated are disinterestthose, who sustained it in the darkest times, and have ed, pure, benevolent, and elevated principles. They been ever true to their principles and to their countrywho were its fearless and unwavering champions, during embargoes, non-intercourse, and war, are now denied the name of republican, because they have dared to think for themselves, as to the qualifications of a candidate for the Presidency, and bowed not down to the idol which hands. others had set up. While, on the other hand, some of Had the gentleman been content to express, in general their most violent opponents, even aiders and abettors of terms, his approbation of involuntary servitude, and his the Hartford Convention, those ultra federalists, who op- exultation at its existence, I should have made no reply. posed Mr. Adams, because their unforgiving spirits could He might even have insisted, as he did, that it added to never forget that he had once left their party, are receiv- the physical strength of the country; although I cannot ed into full communion, and cordially embraced by those well understand how withdrawing one-half of the whole who claim to be, by their own appointment, exclusive population from the contest can strengthen the common guardians of pure, primitive, unspotted democracy. wish, indeed, that their friends of the South could be relieved from what they deem a great moral and political evil; but they are aware that the remedy is to be found and applied by those only among whom the evil exists, and have no disposition to touch it with inexperienced arm in the hour of battle; and although such was not the The gentleman seems to have no other criterion of re- opinion even of Southern statesmen after the expepublicanism than adhesion to the South. Not the asser-rience of the Revolution. Mr. Madison, in 1788, said, tion of principles, but devotion to Southern men. Hewhat parts of the United States are most likely to need told us, in so many words, that "the South had made protection? The weak parts, which are the Southern New England," and it seems that, in his view, those only States." are of the true faith who will bow down and worship this new creator! And again, sir, "it was said, and I believe with truth, that every part of America does not stand in equal A very considerable portion of the speech of the Sena- need of protection. It was observed that the Northern tor from Missouri was devoted to a comparison of the li-States are most competent to their own security." But berality of the North and the South, and he yesterday re- the gentleman has chosen to make this very topic the minded us that, in the last election of President, there ground of a comparison degrading to the republicanism was but one vote in all New England for the Southern and of the East. He asserted that, from the possession of Western candidate. Since he has chosen to introduce this slaves there had always been a greater love of liberty in test of sectional disinterestedness and magnanimity, let us the South than in the North; and rested his assertion upbestow upon it a moment's attention. The whole number on the authority of Mr. Burke. What kind of love of of votes which have been given for President in the elec- liberty is it which Burke says is generated and fostered toral colleges since the organization of this Government, by the institution of slavery? He says that to slaveholdhas been two thousand and nineteen, of which nine only ers liberty is not only an enjoyment, but "a rank and have been thrown, in all the States south of the Potomac, privilege," and subsequently speaks of their " haughtifor candidates residing north of that river, viz: one in ness of domination." Virginia and one in North Carolina, in 1796; four in North Who does not perceive that this love of liberty is but Carolina, in 1800; and one in Illinois, and two in Louisi- the love of rank, of power, of absolute and uncontrolled ana, in 1824. While, during the same period, the States dominion, and that too over their fellow men, extorting north of that river have given no less than seven hundred from them the most abject submission? It is the same love and nineteen votes for Presidential candidates living south of liberty which is possessed by the privileged classes; the of it. They have supported southern men three times aristocracy, in other countries; an attachment to their unanimously; at another time with but a single dissenting own immunities, to arbitrary control and domination over vote; and in another instance with but six; and again by others, and impatient of all restraint upon themselves. a large majority. Upon these facts I make no comment. Let it be remembered that this delineation is not mine, FEB. 3, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. but was furnished by the Senator from South Carolina. hospitals, asylums, and all those benignant charities whose If I had imputed such sentiments to any portion of our streams extend to the uttermost regions of the earth. country, I should have felt myself obnoxious to the charge I thank the gentleman, too, for his reference to the of unkindness. I trust, sir, that he has done himself and American Revolution. He told us that the South had no his friends injustice; and that such is not the demo- ships, nor commerce, to cause them to resist Great Bricracy of the South. It was not that of Mr. Jefferson, as tain. Sir, that resistance was not for ships and commerce is shown not only by the proposition against involuntary merely, but against the principle of taxation without reservitude which he made to the old Congress, but by the presentation, which extended equally to all the colonies. general tenor of all his political writings. It is not the It was the claim of the Imperial Parliament to "bind us democracy of New England. We have heard, in this de- in all cases whatsoever;" and, if we had not resisted, they bate, of the oligarchy and aristocracy of New England; would have bound our infant giant limbs in fetters. And and they are so often spoken of elsewhere, as terms of Massachusetts has the enviable distinction-that glory of general application, that I fear very erroneous opinions which nothing can deprive her, to the end of time-of are prevalent as to the character and institutions of that having been the first to make this resistance, alone and people. unaided, in defiance of the whole power of the British I thank the Senator from South Carolina for reminding Empire. Lord North himself declared, on the floor of us of the oppression which drove our forefathers from Parliament, that Massachusetts alone was to blame; that, their native land: for I delight to recur to the patriarchal but for the evil example of her violent opposition, the obfounders of Massachusetts, the puritans; who, for the en- noxious tea would have been every where else quietly rejoyment of civil and religious liberty, left their country, ceived, and that she should be visited with exemplary friends, civilization, plenty, and security, for exile in a vengeance. And Col. Barre, who has been sometimes wilderness, across a world of waters, exposed to every called the friend of America, declared, that her conduct, suffering, and every danger; those indomitable spirits who as the prime mover of all the disturbances, had been so would yield to no usurped dominion, but resolved to live free reprehensible, that the Boston port bill, which was intendor cease to live. When they landed upon the rock of Ply-ed to reduce thousands to starvation, was a measure of mouth, it was with the bible in their hands, and its precepts mercy. While another member thundered forth, against in their hearts; and they laid deep the foundations of a Massachusetts, the anathema which was, not long since, utChristian commonwealth. From the sacred volume they tered, at the other end of this capitol, against New Engimbibed the true spirit of all our institutions; the native land-"delenda est Carthago." equality of the human race; formed of the same mate- The true character of a people is best ascertained by rials, fashioned by the same hand, animated by the same their conduct at those times when, rising against oppresbreath, and destined to the same grave. Do unto others sion, and absolved from the restraints of law, they are a as ye would that they should do unto you, was, to them, law unto themselves. With this view, look at the destructhe impressive command by which Heaven itself placed all mankind upon the common level of moral right and mutual obligation, and declared that "man was not made the property of man." tion of the tea, by what has been called a Boston mob. They acted upon the principles which they professed, and constituted one society of equals and brethren. As their numbers increased, and spread over a greater area, it became impracticable for all to unite in transacting the public business at one place; and they therefore formed territorial districts, of convenient extent, by some called Since gentlemen are fond of introducing their reministownships, but there denominated towns, which continued cences, they will indulge me in another exemplification of to be multiplied as population advanced. These towns the conduct of an educated, moral, fearless, republican were then, and are still, throughout New England, pure people. After what has been denominated the Boston democracies, in which the whole people, in their original massacre, an event calculated to inflame the multitude to sovereign character, assemble at one place, to order their the highest degree of excitement; when, as the historian own business in their own way, each free man having an tells us, they seemed utterly regardless of personal danequal voice, and every man being free. In these primary ger, and immoveable by the bayonets of the soldiery, did assemblies they choose their own agents, prescribe their they resort to tumult and outrage, to conflagration and duties, call them to account, and censure or approve, as bloodshed? No: they assembled in town meeting, and their conduct may seem to deserve. They raise money, chose a committee of citizens to require of the royal Godirect its expenditure, and order and control all measures vernor the removal of the troops. When they came into of general concernment. his presence, he was surrounded by his high officers, ci forth his tremulous hand, exclaimed, "all--or none, sir!" The mock majesty of artificial creation shrunk before the native dignity of true republicanism. The mandate was obeyed; the troops were removed. Here, too, are supported our free schools--an institu-vil and military, and spoke in such lordly language as betion unrivalled in the history of human education; by came the viceroy of a king. "They must go!" was the which children of all classes are brought together, upon firm and laconic reply. Seeing this spirit, and lowering the basis of perfect equality, and receive instruction from his tone, he attempted to compromise, by offering to send the same source, without distinction or partiality. The away one regiment. The chairman, the venerable Samuel funds for the support of these schools are annually raised Adams, fixing upon him his piercing eye, and stretching by vote, in the primary assemblies of the towns, where the poor man, having, perhaps, a dozen children, but wholly destitute of property, has an equal voice in determining the amount, and its appropriation, with him who has hundreds of thousands, and is childless. The sums thus or- Such were the people who constituted the militia that dered are directly assessed upon property. The annual fought the battles of Lexington, of Bunker's Hill, and of amount, in my own State, is not less than one hundred and Bennington. "This night (said a Grecian commander to fifty thousand dollars. A system more perfectly demo-his soldiers) we shall sup with Pluto." A speech which has cratic, in its immediate character and ultimate tendencies, been thought worthy to be handed down to us through was never devised by man. It is upon this broad founda- many centuries. How immeasurably more elevated and tion of universal instruction that all our political institu- touching was the simple address of the gallant Stark to tions rest; it sustains, too, our colleges, our academies, our the husbands and fathers, his neighbors and friends, whom SENATE.] Indian Agencies. [FEB. 4, 1830. he commanded at Bennington: "There are the enemy; United States. One of the greatest evils which now afwe conquer them; or this night Mary Stark is a widow!" flicts the Indian tribes, may be traced to the ambition, diI shall not attempt to enumerate the worthies or the visions, and dissensions, of petty chiefs, who claimed disachievements of New England. Time, indeed, would fail tinction, presents, and power, from their respective me to delineate her character, or speak of her services. tribes. Mr. B. stated that the more closely the Indians They stand out in brilliant colors upon every page of your were brought together in their relations with the General history. She may be followed through every section of Government the better: for the experience of those our country, by the blood and exploits of her sons; to engaged in Indian affairs proves that consolidation your own native South Carolina, where Green and Sullivan is much more desirable than separation. The latter enfought, and "Scammel fell;" to the West, where their couraged that ambitious spirit by which the Government bones rest on the battle grounds of St. Clair's defeat, and was already too much harassed; the disunion of small of Harrison's victory. Every valley is vocal with the chiefs, forming separate bands to promote their own evil voice of her children; her blood swells every vein of this purposes. Each of these wished to be head of his little great republic; her fame is reflected from the whole band; and this may be considered one of the greatest bright surface of this wide spread and mighty nation. I evils which the Indians and the Government had to conglory in such a blessed parentage, and in the brotherhood tend with. Under these views he had come to the conof her hardy, educated, enlightened, virtuous, generous, clusion that it would be better to consolidate the Indians, brave, republican population. than to pass a law by which they would be separated. The truth is, said Mr. B., a general complaint has long prevailed against our Indian agents. Instead of living with the tribe or nation for which they are appointed agent, they settle themselves in one of our frontier towns, at a great distance from many of those Indians who have to transact business with them. This evil, Mr. B. thought, would be increased by the proposed law; as it was not to be supposed that an agent could bestow as much attention to the business when the compensation is to be so reduced, as they would devote when receiving a more liberal salary. The President, under the operation of the law, will be constantly harassed with the broils of little With deep felt gratitude, I reverently thank God that, of all places upon his earth, he gave me my birth in the land, and among the descendants, of the Puritan Pilgrims of New England. [Here the debate closed for this day.] THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1830. INDIAN AGENCIES. The bill authorizing the President of the United States to divide Indian agencies in certain cases was read the second time; when Mr. WHITE, the Chairman of the Committee on In-chiefs and petty agents. dian Affairs, said, that the bill originated from a resolu- Mr. WHITE replied that he thought, with the Senator tion submitted by the Senator from Missouri, [Mr. BEN- from Missouri, [Mr. BARTON] that the soundest policy TON] and was framed by the Committee after an examina- would be to pursue that course which tended to concention into the subject, together with such information as the trate the individuals belonging to the same tribe of InCommittee had before them. The bill contained nothing dians, in preference to permitting them to be divided in which would compel the President to divide any of the various bands; and he was inclined to think that the adopIndian agencies; it merely provided that he might do it, tion of the measure before the Senate would produce a when the public good, and the convenience and comfort result contrary to that apprehended by the Senator from of the agents themselves, might, in his opinion, require Missouri [Mr. BARTON] who had last addressed the Senit; there being no additional expense created by the pro-ate. Under the present state of things, it might be the visions of the bill, as the compensation now given to one policy of individuals residing with the Indian tribes (conagent was to be divided when the agency was divided. sulting their own comforts) to encourage their division It appeared to the Committee that many of the Indian into distinct bands, as they would, in such case, be sure of tribes were divided into different bands, residing at re- finding an apology for residing with neither subdivisions mote points from each other, and the consequence was, of the tribe; while, on the other hand, if the bill should that the agents for such tribes, selecting their own places pass, they would find it their interest to prevent any seof residence, either located themselves in one of the fron-paration of the tribe under their care; knowing that, if tier towns, or resided with one of the separate bands, the President did divide the agency, he would divide, aland thus the business of the Government could not be as so, the emoluments attached to it. It was highly probawell transacted as if the agent had all the Indians under ble that, if the Indian agents themselves were consulted, his care, placed immediately within his own view. If the a variety of opinions would be received from them in relaagent selected the town of one of the bands belonging to tion to the measure; some would believe it would prothe tribe placed under his superintendence, for his place duce much good, while others would be of a contrary of residence, instead of the other, jealousies and heart opinion. Take, for instance, the case of the Chippeburnings were engendered; and the band that believed was, who were divided into three bands; one of which itself to be neglected were too apt to accuse him of par- had, when necessary to transact its business with the Intiality and injustice. In some instances, agents had two dian agent, to travel a considerable distance, and through distinct tribes placed under their superintendence, and the borders of the country of the Sioux, with whom they thus a greater inconvenience was created than where one were frequently at war: a division of the agency, there tribe was divided into two bands. Under every view fore, in this case at least, would tend to prevent collision, which the Committee had been able to take of the sub-and perhaps bloodshed. Under all these circumstances, ject, they were of opinion that the adoption of the mea- Mr. W. was of opinion that placing the power proposed sure proposed in the bill would be productive of much by the bill in the hands of the President, would be the good, without the possibility of any disadvantage resulting from it. Mr. BARTON said that, from the information he had received from those who had been employed among the Indians, and who had, therefore, an ample opportunity of judging of the policy of the proposed measure, he was inclined to the opinion that it was a bad one. He thought it impolitic to create further division of the Indian tribes by extending statutory discretion to the Executive of the means, not only of providing against disunion among the Indians themselves, but of making it the interest of the agents to use all the influence they might possess to discourage discord, and of taking away any excuse they might have for residing at a distance from the tribes placed under their superintendence. He [Mr. W.] had no personal intercourse, it was true, with those tribes which were to be affected by the bill; gentlemen who lived nearer doubtless possessed more information, in relation FEB. 5, 8, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. to them, than he did; but he had seen letters from seve- animals, and even in vegetables. Can any man say, upon ral Indian agents, recommending the measure now under any other hypothesis, why the tropical fruits do not grow discussion, though the gentleman from Missouri might in the New England States; why certain animal and vegehave received information of a contrary nature; and from table growths are peculiar to certain climates, and found these and other information which had been before the in no other; and why the stature and complexion of man Committee, he was perfectly satisfied with its expediency. is different in different climates; and why there is a corMr. BENTON observed that it was, perhaps, unne- responding difference in his temper and appetencies? cessary for him to say any thing on the subject, after the Now, would it not be as reasonable for men to taunt each explanation that had been given by the chairman of the other with these differences, which are obviously the ef Committee on Indian Affairs, [Mr. WHITE.] Mr. B. said fect of physical causes, as to indulge in the jeers and that there was no doubt but agents would be opposed to taunts which have characterized this debate? I would not the present arrangement; that they were opposed to liv-ascribe to physical causes all the differences which are ing among the Indian tribes, and this was one of the found to exist in the political, moral, and religious sentigreatest causes of jealousy and hatred. One band of the ments of people situated in different climates; but I would Osages separated from their nation on the last day of re-not deny to the heavens their legitimate influence upon ceiving their donation, charging the agent with partiality. people differently situated in reference to that influence. Evils of a similar character were constantly occurring; I suppose that an infinity of causes combine to diversify besides, one tribe, in passing to and from the agency, the human condition. The pursuits of a people possesscomes in collision with another tribe, and thus irritations ing commercial facilities, will be very different from those and quarrels were continued. He, Mr. B., knew of no of a people remote from the ocean, or any navigable plan by which these evils would be more effectually pre-stream. Their manners will take their hue from their vented than by the operation of the proposed measure. pursuits; nor will their sentiments escape a tincture from He observed that the bill does not authorize the Presi- the same cause. The truth is,, that, with every people, dent to divide the Indian tribes, but merely, when a divi- their first and great object is their own happiness. To sion already exists, to appoint a separate agent. He that object all their thoughts and all their exertions are dithought that a division of salary corresponding with the rected. For those who inhabit a fertile country and a division of labor would have a salutary tendency, both temperate or warm climate, nature has more than half acwith regard to the Indians themselves, and the agents ap-complished this great object. The manners, habits, and pointed to regulate their concerns. notions, (to use a phrase of our Eastern brethren) of such The bill was then ordered to be engrossed, and read a a people will be very different from those of a people who third time--yeas 30, nays 9. Mr. FOOT'S RESOLUTION. The Senate resumed the consideration of the motion of Mr. FOOT. Mr. ROWAN rose and addressed the Senate about two hours, when he gave way for a motion for adjourment. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1830. have to win, by strenuous and unintermitted industry, a The Senate were this day principally occupied in discus-it the duty of obtaining, by much labor, a competent MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1850, The Senate again resumed the consideration of Mr. ROWAN addressed the Senate about an hour and a half, in continuation and conclusion of the remarks which he commenced on Thursday last. The entire specch follows: subsistence. It invigorates, by its rigors, the power of the muscular exertion, which it requires. That of the South inflicts languor, and with it an aversion from that labor which its prolific influence has rendered almost unnecessary. Frugality and economy, as the consequence of their necessary industry, characterize the Northern people: Those of the South are almost as profuse as their soil is prolific. In a Northern climate the labor of all is necesIn the Southern sary to their sustenance and comfort. the labor of a few will sustain all comfortably; and hence the labor of the South has fallen to the lot of slaves. Yes, Mr. R. said that, in the share which he proposed to sir, that slavery which the gentleman from Boston [Mr. take in the debate, he should enter into no sectional com- WEBSTER] has, in a spirit of implied rebuke, ascribed to parisons. He should not attempt to detract from the just Kentucky, in the contrasted view which he took of that claims of any one of the States, nor would he disparage State and the State of Ohio, has, if it be an evil, been his own by any attempt to eulogize it. A State should be thrown upon Kentucky by the destinies. That Kentucky alike uninfluenced by eulogy and detraction. In his opin- has been somewhat retarded in its advances by the perion, she could not be justly the subject of either. There plexity of its land titles, and its toleration of slavery, is, in existed, necessarily, among the States of the Union, very his estimation, the misfortune of that State; and the exgreat divers ties. It would be strange if there did not. The emption of Ohio from those evils has accelerated her habits, manners, customs, and pursuits of people would be march to the high destiny which awaits her. different, as they should be found to be differently situated, may be prosperous, great, and happy, is, I am sure, the in reference to climate, soil, and various other causes, which wish of the people of Kentucky. They do not repine at The two exerted a powerful influence over their condition: for he their own condition, nor envy that of Ohio. held that we were more influenced by pride, than reason States are neighbors, and have much intercourse, social or philosophy, when we asserted that it was competent to and commercial. Nothing that can be said in relation to any people to shape their condition according to their will. either of the States, by that or any other gentleman on this We were all more or less affected by the force of circum- floor, can in the least affect the subsisting relations bestances; and while we seemed to be under the direction of tween them, or the internal police of either. The Senaour will, were under the influence of the causes which, tors from Ohio may have been gratified with the eulogy though they were imperceptible, were unceasing in their which he bestowed upon their State. Those of Kentucky operation upon our inclinations. The fluids which sustain were not in the least chagrined by his animadversions upthe life of man [said Mr. R.] are not less of atmospheric on the condition of their State. They make no complaint or solar concoction, than those which sustain life in other that they were not assisted by the East in their wars with VOL. VL-17 That she |