bly, gave God the praise, in that he was not only permitted to escape from error and superstition-but that in embracing the Reformed religion, he had risen above ambition and worldly views.

We must now turn from Geneva to France, and follow the flow of the Reformation, as it diffused itself from this extraordinary spring-head of religious knowledge and intellectual attainments over the kingdom of France. It so happened under the disposition of Providence, that the French monarchs of the house of Valois, though extremely desirous to stem the tide of the Reformation by every method, within their own territories, found it necessary in order to distract the councils of the emperor Charles, to encourage and conciliate the Protestants of the north of Germany; therefore, in order to show some consistency of character, it was thought expedient by the French court, to hold a conference of Protestant and Romish divines, in order to evince to the world, that the Reformers in the French dominions were not to be condemned and persecuted without a fair hearing. Contrary then, to the remonstrance of the pope, the conference or colloquy of Poissy* was convened in the year 1561. This discussion deserves to be memorable not only for the quality and number of the persons who were present, but also, for the talents, and learning, and high station of those who took a part in the discussion. Charles IX. Catharine De Medecis, the king's brother and sister, the king and queen of Navarre, and amongst a numerous crowd of nobles, the prince of Condé and the admiral Coligni were the auditors of the debate. There were five cardinals and fifty bishops, fenced round by a host of canonists and Sorbonnists. On the Protestant side appeared Beza, and the acute, learned, and pious Florentine Peter Martyr, who had already exercised his talents at controversy by defeating Doctor Richard Smith at Oxford; Augustine Malorat, Viretus, Galiaseus Morellus, &c. and fourteen Lutheran doctors attended from Ger

4

Before the colloquy commenced, the Protestants put in a petition to the king, praying that the bishops might not be the judges in this business-that the king with his counsellors should preside-that the controversies might be decided by the word of God -that what was agreed on and decided, might be written by notaries, elected by both parties. These proposals were not altogether acceded to. Before the parties proceeded to the discussion, the prelates made a grand procession, and partook of the sacrament—the Protestants held a prayer-meeting. On the second of September, 1561, the discussion began by the young king addressing the meeting, and informing them that they were assembled for the purpose of composing the differences of the nation-that they were not to depart, until all were brought to unity of sentiment. The chancellor spoke more largely on the subject, and then the queen mother desired Theodore Beza to begin; Beza fell on his knees, prayed fervently for the divine assistance, and then recited his confession of

* Poissy is a small town in the Isle of France, six leagues from Paris.

faith-shewed the points of doctrine in which Protestants and Roman Catholics agree, and in what they dissent. Entering into the matter of the Eucharist in the warmth of his opposition to the physical presence of the Lord Jesus in the sacrament, he boldly asserted that the body of the Saviour is as far from the bread and wine, as the highest heaven is remote from the earth; upon which all the cardinals and bishops started up and said that the reformer had spoken blasphemy. This was evidently an occasion happily taken by the Romish party to put a stop to the public and solemn colloquy, and it took place no more. But a more private conference was carried on for many days before the queen mother, wherein the cardinal of Lorrain, and Claude Espenceus, Sanctes the Sorbonist, and Lainez the Jesuit carried on the controversy with Beza and Peter Martyr. The cardinal of Lorrain made a haughty oration; Espenceus who was honest, and eloquent, and learned, and who is famous for exposing in his commentary on Titus, the taxes of the Apostolical Chamber; he argued for Gallican Romanism like an honest man and a Christian. The Spanish Jesuit burst forth into loud abuse of the Protestants, he called them wolves, apes, and serpents; and went so far as to tell Catherine De Medicis, that she had no business to meddle at all in matters of religion, which belonged not to her, but the pope, cardinals, and bishops. And still the conference grew louder and more unmanageable. "Come" says the cardinal De Tournon, (who saw that the best way to get rid of the controversy, was to set the Protestants by the ears,) we will argue no longer, unless the French and Geneva doctors sign the Augsbourg confession." This stratagem it was supposed would place the Geneva doctors in a dilemma; if they refused, a difference would be made manifest, as existing between the Lutheran and Calvinist parties: if they acceded, Beza and his party might be represented as unsettled in their views, and now time serving in their doctrines. It was an apostate from the Calvinist cause, who advised the cardinal to this expedient, "and never (says Varillas the Catholic historian) was better advice given; for by this means, he would have the pleasure of setting the heretics together by the ears; their quarrels would make them ridiculous in the eyes of the court, where their doctrine was before admired; and the people who thought them uniform, understanding that they had quarelled among themselves, would change the esteem they had into contempt, so that no Frenchman would leave the communion of the church for the future.

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Varillas moreover says, that if this advice of Baudoin had been put in practice with as much diligence as was requisite in so delicate an intrigue, all the evils which the conference of Poissy produced afterwards, would have been prevented. Beza escaped, it seems out of this snare, by turning upon the Catholic Doctors their own weapons. Learned Gentlemen, says he, "If you will shew us the example by signing the Augsburg Confession yourselves, you will see in a very short time what shaking hands we shall all have in this colloquy; but if not, and you refuse to shew us the way, we pray you to hold us excused." The sitting, then, for that time

was adjourned, and afterwards it was proposed to narrow the discussion, leaving two bishops, and three moderate divines of the Catholic party, to confer with five Protestant ministers; but this arrangement had as bad success as all the former, and so an end was altogether put to this colloquy, when their overheated spirits, (Moreri says,) were capable of nothing but jangle. The Pope was quite rejoiced when he heard that it so concluded: he passed high commendations on Cardinal Lorraine, and still higher praise on Cardinal Tournon-the zeal of the Jesuit pleased him much; but as the oration of the Chancellor (he said) was rather heretical, he threatened this high officer with the Inquisition. The results to the Protestants from this controversy were highly important. The subjects of religious controversy were agitated amongst the people, and sermons were preached and listened to every where: the number of Protestants wonderfully increased; even the French Roman Catholic Doctors began to argue amongst themselves whether the cup should be withheld from the laity. Many of the nobility and gentry came over daily to the Hugonots, and at length the spirit of Popery finding that its empire was tottering, and that it had no resource but to revert to its ancient and approved usages, the massacre of St. Bartholomew was resorted to.

As I find that my limits will not permit me in the present Article to enter into a narrative of English or Irish controversies. I shall conclude for the present with a very interesting account of an Albigensian conference, as given in Jones's history of the Christian Church this, to be sure, in strict chronological order should have been recorded before any other controversy, as it precedes them so much in time; but as pretending to but a hasty sketch, the disorder of the narrative may be excused.

The Court of Rome, with a view to preserve at least the semblance of decency, thought it expedient, before proceeding to com-, pulsory measures with the Albigenses, to try to reclaim them to the Church, by the more gentle and reasonable methods of persuasion and the latter formed the resolution of defending their own principles. They consequently gave the Bishops to understand, that some of their pastors were ready to discuss the subject with them in open conference, provided the thing could be conducted with propriety. They explained their notions of propriety, by propos ing that there should be moderators on each side, vested with authority to prevent tumult, and preserve order and regularity—that the conference should be held in some place to which all persons concerned might have free and safe access; and lastly, that a particular subject should be agreed upon between the disputants, which should be steadily prosecuted, until it was fully discussed and determined, and that the party which could not maintain it by an appeal to the Scriptures, the only standard of faith to Christians, should own themselves vanquished.

The proposal was so reasonable that it could not with decency be rejected-it was therefore accepted by the bishops and monks The place of conference agreed upon was Montreal, near Carcas

sone, in the year 1206. The umpires on the Catholic side were the Bishops of Villineuse, and Auxere; and on that of the Albigenses, R. de Bot, and Anthony Riviere. On the part of the latter, several pastors were appointed to manage the debate, of whom Arnold Hot was the principal. A Bishop of the name of Eusus. met him on behalf of the papacy, accompanied by the renowned Dominic, two of the Pope's legates, and several other of the Catholic clergy. The points which Arnold undertook to prove were, that the Mass and Transubstantiation, are idolatrous, and unscriptural—that the Church of Rome is not the spouse of Christ-and that its polity is of a pernicious and wicked tendency. Arnold drew up certain propositions upon these points which he transmitted to the Bishop, who required fifteen days to answer them, which were granted. On the appointed day the Bishop appeared, and produced a large manuscript, which was read in the public assembly. Arnold requested that he might be permitted to reply by word of mouth, only entreating their patience if he took a considerable time in answering so prolix a writing, and fair promises were made him of a patient hearing. He then discoursed for the space of four days upon the subject, with such flueucy and readiness, such order, perspecuity, and forcible reasoning, that a strong impression was produced on the audience. Arnold at length called upon his opponents to defend themselves. What they said on the occasion we are not informed; but the cause of the abrupt termination of the conference is a fact allowed on all hands, and may possibly suggest what was the real state of the conference; for, while the Pope's legates were disputing with Arnold, the umpire of the papal party, the Bishop of Villeneuse, declared that nothing could be determined, because the army of the Crusaders was at hand. What he asserted, alas! was too true; the papal armies advanced, and, by fire and faggot, decided the points of controversy, and if we may place any reliance upon writers of unimpeachable veracity, "the armies employed by Pope Innocent 3d, destroyed above two hundred thousand of them in the short space of a few wonths." Arnold and his friend, indeed, might have been fully assured that it never was the intention of the Pope to submit to any decision of the controversy by argument, which might happen to be unfavourable to his party. The acquiescence of his holiness in the proposal to discuss the differences between the parties in a public disputation was in all probability a mere manœuvre, intended only to amuse the Albigenses, and gain time till the armies that were preparing with a view to destroy them might be in readiness. Platina, one of their own writers, in his life of Innocent 3d, seems to insinuate as much, when he tells us, that, "there was need not only of disputations, but of arms also; to such a pitch was the heresy grown."

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REVIEW.

The Homilies considered; in a Letter to the Rev. C. R. Elrington, D. D. M. R. I. A., Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. By JOHN JEBB, D. D, F. R. S. Bishop of Limerick, Ardfert, and Aghadoe.

The Judgment of the Tract Committee of the Association for Discountenancing Vice, &c. respecting the Homilies Reviewed, and Vindicated, in a Letter to the Rev. C. R. Elrington, D. D. M. R. I. A. By a Member of the Tract Committee.

The Homilies re-considered, in a Letter to the Right Rev. Dr. Jebb, Bishop of Limerick, in answer to his Letter to the Rev. Dr. Elrington, &c. entitled "The Homilies Considered." By the Rev. R. H. GRAVES, A. M.

Remarks upon the Rev. Mr. Graves's Letter to the Lord Bishop of Limerick, entitled "The Homilies re-considered." By C. R. ELRINGTON, D. D. Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin.

(Continued from page 232.)

In our Number for April we gave our own views upon this interesting subject, and some plain, and we think sufficient arguments in support of them. We further put our readers in possession of the state of the question, by adding the very startling positions of the Bishop of Limerick and Mr. Knox, and some of the arguments by which those of the former are sustained. In examining these, we took occasion to shew that the notion of considering the Homilies authoritative Church documents did not, as was asserted, originate in our own times, and among sectaries, but that it was held from the very earliest period of the Reformation, by Churchmen of the highest reputation and most unimpeached orthodoxy. Having next briefly disposed of his Lordship's first argument, founded upon the omission of a distinct provision for our subscription to the Homilies; we subjoined in reply to some assertions connected with it, almost a literal contradiction from the same grave and high authorities. And finally, the declaration concerning the Homilies in the 35th Article, which was styled limited and guarded, we endeavoured to prove only so in having the object of the approbation expressed, exactly stated, and well defined-while the approbation itself was cordial and ample. Hoping this short recapitulation of our progress, (rendered necessary by the unexpected interruption to the continuation of our Review,) may serve to recal it distinctly to our readers' recollection, and remitting those who are still, in any measure, oblivious to our former Numbers, we proceed to terminate our undertaking, which we fear will still occupy a considerable space. "The boke," to use the uncouth words of Jhon Whitgyfte, (as in farther contempt of all the ordinary rules of spelling he pleases to subscribe himself,) "wyll be something bygg, but we trust not tedious to any that shall be desyerus to see the depth of this controversie.”

We are to begin with the Bishop of Limerick's remaining argument. And as this is the strength of his case, we shall give it the double advantage of letting it appear in his own words, and prefaced with the very high praise bestowed upon it by his friends Mr. Knox and Dr. Elrington:

"I am confirmed in this construction of the limiting expression, by the Bishop of Limerick's luminous remarks, on the difference between the earlier and later form