port throws no light on the subject. We regret to learn from its details, that the funds of the Institution are far from flourishing. Such is a brief statement of the circumstances connected with the Academical Institution at Belfast; and we are perfectly willing to coincide with the Report in the opinion it expresses of the advantages which it has conferred on the North of Ireland. Although we think it a very doubtful point, whether education, including in the word moral and intellectual culture, be better provided for by the establishment of small or large seminaries, the discipline being supposed equal in each; we are ready to admit that this institution may, in its school department, have answered its end; that the very spirit of enterprise which gave it birth may have carried it forward to utility; and that the transfer of boys from various parts of Ireland to such a situation, is probably connected with many advantages. In the collegiate department, we think the observations of many of the witnesses on the subject of home education for the Presbyterian Ministry highly important, and, were there no countervailing circumstances, conclusive. Irish students in Glasgow are not, we fear, from the statements of highly respectable persons, so likely to be subject to a strictness of discipline, essential to education, as they are at home; and the uniform opinion of the men best qualified to judge, such as Mr. Cooke, Dr. Hanna, Mr. Carlisle, is in favour of home education. Were there, then, no other circumstances to be regarded than this, we would think that the Institution is eminently deserving of public support, but we confess that we share with the protesting members of the Commission in their fear of the progress of Arianism; and when we see that in spite of the opinion of the Synods, there are so many of that class of Presbyterians on the list of Visitors, and so many among the Professors and Masters, we do think some security ought to be given to the public, more than at present is apparent, that the funds to be appropriated to the education of Presbyterians, may not be devoted to the support of a creed, certainly not in the contemplation of any of the contracting parties. Our readers will perceive that we agree in the view taken by Messrs. Foster and Glassford, and that with them we deem some security necessary for the orthodoxy of the Professors connected with the Institution; and having directed their attention to the admirable letter of these gentlemen, which we have extracted below, we shall lay before them our reasons for forming such an opinion.

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Copy of a Letter from J. Leslie Foster, Esq. and J. Glassford, Esq. two of the Commissioners, to the Right Honourable Robert Peel :

"Dublin, 1st February, 1827.

"SIR,―The circumstances which have obliged us to withhold our signatures from the Report made by a majority of the Commissioners of Irish Education Inquiry, upon the Belfast Institution, are of so peculiar a nature, that we trust we shall be excused for the course which we adopt, of addressing to His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Home Department, a letter explanatory of our views.

"We are deeply impressed with a sense of the advantages which might be derived from the encouragement of the Belfast Institution, and with a conviction of the strong claims of the Presbyterian Clergy of Ireland, to the extension of parliamen

tary assistance for their Education, upon any terms that should not involve matter of just and necessary objection. We feel it impossible, however, to join in recommending measures to His Majesty, which might eventually cause the bounty of the state to be employed in diffusing principles which we deem inconsistent with the fundamental truths of Christianity.

"There is no church which, by its articles of faith, maintains the divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ, and all the important doctrines connected with that truth, more unequivocally than the Church of Scotland, to which the Presbyterians of Ireland belong; and accordingly, we observe, that the appointment of Arians to Professorships in the Belfast Institution, has of late years called forth the strongest expressions of disapprobation, both from the Synod of Ulster and the Seceding Synod.

"It is the peculiar feature of the present case, that while only a small proportion of the Irish Presbyterian Ministers hold Arian principles, and while these principles are rejected and condemned by the Presbyterian body in general, a majority among the acting managers of the Belfast Institution are stated by respectable witnesses to be Arians. We farther observe, that while it is a rule of the Institution, that religious opinions are not to be adverted to in elections, it has nevertheless happened, that the present Professor of Greek, the present Professor of Hebrew, who is also classical teacher in the school department, and head of one of the two boarding houses, the present Lecturer on Elocution, and the present English Master in the school department, who is head of the other boarding house, are avowed Arians. For the nature of their views we beg leave to refer generally to the evidence.

"We are satisfied, that as yet these appointments have not led to an extension of Arian doctrines amongst the Presbyterian body. But we apprehend, that Professors and Masters, in the performance of the duties which are assigned to their offices, must necessarily be swayed by their own views upon so important a subject; and that a powerful, though tacit influence must be continually exercised by them upon the young persons in their classes, and still more upon such as live under their roofs. The pupils must feel a general respect for the judgment of the able persons by whom they are instructed, whose principles are no secret, and who, though silent in respect to such questions within the walls of the Institution, are not so in the pulpits of Belfast, or upon other occasions.

"It is obvious, that the danger would be greatly enhanced, if, by a continuation of elections similar in their results to those which we have mentioned, a decided majority of the Teachers and Professors should hereafter entertain these views. The doctrines in question are as yet rejected by a vast majority of the Presbyterians; but should they obtain a preponderance in the Institution, which is to form the religious opinions of the pastors and instructors of the rising generation, the consequence might be to reverse, at a future day, the proportion which the orthodox members of the Church of Scotland and the Arians now bear to each other, in the Irish Presbyterian body.

Although, therefore, the existing state of things has not as yet produced those effects which might not unreasonably have been expected, we cannot consider this circumstance as affording a sufficient security for the future. We hope and believe, that a large majority of the Presbyterian Clergy of Ireland, the great body of the Presbyterian people, and a considerable majority, if not of the Managers, at least of the persons connected with the Belfast Institution, would view with pleasure the adoption of any reasonable regulation for securing that, in future all such, at least of the Professors and Masters, as have any share in the formation of religious opinions, should be persons believing in the divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ. We need scarcely observe, that the question is not one of toleration towards any who deny

that important truth, but whether they are to be endowed by the state as the instructors of youth.

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Although it was natural that no provision should have been originally made against an unforeseen danger of this kind, it appears to us, that after it has become manifest, we are no longer at liberty to recommend the Institution to His Majesty, except upon the condition of its affording a practical security upon this subject.

"We feel that the Proprietors and Managers have an unquestionable right to maintain their present rules, if they are satisfied to continue dependent exclusively on their own resources; but when they apply for the assistance of Parliament, it seems to us to follow, that they must be prepared to reconsider any circumstance connected with their Institution, which may prevent its being deemed a proper object for the public aid. The Professorships to which it appears to us, in a more peculiar and necessary manner, that the security should apply, are those which are connected, more or less, with the study of theology, namely, the Professorships of Hebrew, of Greek, and of Moral Philosophy. But we beg leave to add, that, for the same reasons which influence us in this recommendation, and only differing in degree, it would in our view be still more satisfactory, that the security should be extended to all the Professorships in the Institution.

"The two Masterships of the boarding schools, which stand in no need of public assistance, may by some be thought to be thereby exempted from any consideration on the present occasion. But in looking to the adoption of regulations for the Institutiou generally, we cannot exclude the schools from our view, as they appear to us to form the basis on which the future instruction of the pupils is to be raised.

"It is evident also, that the schools must participate in any advantages which may accrue to the Institution at large, and would be necessarily, though less directly, benefitted by any support or encouragement which should be granted to the Collegiate department. We cannot therefore propose to exclude the two Masterships of the boarding schools from the application of any safeguard which may be deemed advisable with respect to Professorships.

"We observe that the Synod of Ulster at their last meeting in 1826, after a debate of two days, came to a Resolution by which they in substance recede from those views on the subject of a permanent security, which they had strongly advanced in their meetings of the years 1824 and 1825, and now deem it expedient, under all the circumstances of the case, to rest satisfied with a Resolution of the Court of Proprietors, which the Synod in 1825, had declared insufficient for the attainment of their object.

"If no other principle of decision were to be adopted, than that of satisfying the requisitions of the Synod, the question might thus be set at rest. But we are deeply impressed with the conviction, that an important responsibility is now imposed upon the Legislature, of guarding the fundamental truths of Christianity from being invaded, through means and resources which the State is called on to supply.

"It now remains to consider what mode of security should be adopted. The subscription of a test appears to us open to the various objections stated in the Evidence, nor do we think it desirable that the task of ascertaining the religious opinions either of the candidates, or of the elected should be thrown upon His Ma-. jesty's Government. With respect to the measure originally suggested by the Synod of Ulster, we apprehend that some practical inconvenience might be found to attend the calling together the representatives of the several Presbyteries as therein proposed. Nor do we see any safeguard in the mere expression of the opinion of the Synod, while the Electors should continue at full liberty to disregard it.

"We conceive that it would be a more satisfactary arrangement, that on every future Election, each candidate should be obliged to procure a certificate from at least four of the persons, who during the six preceding years, had held the situation of Moderator, either in the Synod of Ulster or the Seceding Synod, stating "that "after having made due inquiry and examination, they have no reasonable doubt "that the Candidate believes in the Divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ."

"There would generally be not fewer than twelve persons to whom application might be thus made; individuals who had been selected by their respective Synods for their peculiar respectability, and to whose judgment such a consideration might with the greatest propriety be entrusted. We think it therefore not unreasonable to expect, that the Candidate should be a person able to obtain this certificate from at least four out of that number.

"Whatever course is to be adopted it seems to us indispensable, that a bye-law should be passed for carrying into effect, and that nothing should be left undefined or discretional on a subject of this nature.

"We have the honor to be Sir,

"Your mosi faithful and obedient Servants, (signed)

"J. LESLIE FOSTER. "J. GLASSFORD."

In the first place, we must declare for ourselves, that as citizens, however we may regret, we have no possible inclination to prevent, in any way, save by argument and Scriptural reasoning, the extension of Arianism, Socinianism, or any other error, which the wild and unrestrained speculations of man may build upon perverted passages of the Scriptures. Friends to free discussion and enquiry we would allow every sect to propagate its opinions by all legitimate ways, convinced that truth must in the end succeed. So much we say, to clear ourselves of the charge of intolerance, and with the protesting Commissioners we would say, let the professors of Arianism have schools and colleges if they will-let them spread their tenets if they can; they are as free to do so, as if they were in the most perfect accordance with orthodoxy; but if they seek to do so under the sanction, and with the support of the public, let that public be aware of the fact-let it not be cloaked or insinuated; and if there be any danger of such a circumstance, let it be guarded against most scrupulously. Now we do not say such is the case in the present instance; we are far from accusing, or suspecting, that such is the intention of the present Belfast Institution, but we know the danger is apprehended. We are aware that symptoms exist tending to give strength to the apprehensions, and we think it but wise and just to guard against them. An Institution nominally connected with a great majority of the Presbyterians of the North of Ireland, claims assistance from Government. Their right is not the matter of question: they evidently have no abstract right; but it is wise in Government, it is just in Government, to give assistance to such bodies as may be usefully employed in extending a moral and religious influence, particularly when circumstances may have deprived them of support naturally to be expected

Vide Mr. Cooke's Evidence.

from other quarters. In such a case, the members of Government must in the first place, naturally inquire, how far the Institution is calculated to extend such principles beneficially, or is liable to depart from them: the very right that belongs to Government to give, or to withhold, implies a right to examine, and to decide. If, then, it appears that such an Institution has claimed the sanction, and sought to connect itself with certain bodies professing opinions on doctrinal subjects, similar to the national religion; if it have produced its claim to public patronage on such sanction; if, after such bodies have, in the strongest manner, protested against certain opinions, and professed to hold them in detestation, the Institution still continued to maintain its connection with these bodies, and to use their support a passport to public favour, while at the same time, from whatever cause it might be, persons maintaining opposite sentiments were chosen into highly influential and important situation, then surely a pledge may fairly be asked for the consistency of the character originally manifested. Such appears to be the case with the Belfast Academical Institution; and when we see its connection with the two orthodox Synods, and yet its choice of Visitors and Professors, highly respectable individuals, but assuredly not in connection with these Synods, or the original sentiments of the Institution, we do think that the public should claim some security from the establishment as to its future character.

Our observations are quite irrespective of the nature of the sentiments alluded to; we do not characterise Arianism from the antichristian sermons of Dr. Bruce; nor in our consideration of the subject do we regard it as of more consequence than what we think common fairness would require. If we went further, we might state the prevalent opinions in Belfast, where the College is situate; the philosophical character which semi-learning and semi-philosophy have conspired to cast around them, the wealth and influence which its professors possess-we might point to the melancholy schism existing even now in the Presbyterian Church, and ask whether those who feel and lament such a rending of unity, should not oppose the influence which it would acquire from a preponderance in the Institution-whether they should be satisfied with professions that may be forgotten, and promises that may not bind. But such considerations are unnecessary :-we do think that a Minister recommending, and a Parliament voting public money, have a right to call for such security as they may deem necessary for the due appropriation of that money, and that they fail in their duty to the public, except such security be exacted. We lose sight of the awful action of the principles in question, we forget the schism it has created in this country, and the blasphemies it has produced in another and we only claim the usual securities that society sanctions between man and man, that this Institution shall not so far change its character, as to circulate one set of opinions, while it supports professors to teach another..

Nor are we to be told that the public should be satisfied, be