to draw his conclusions against the sincerity of colonial co-operation.

Mr. Stephen's work appeared about the 18th of February; in January, the following transactions had already taken place in the colonial councils; and Mr. S. had previously time to know, when he published his work, that in using the words "non-compliance of many, if not all, the assemblies," he stated that which was not the fact.

Even Barbadoes is included in the subjoined reports; and though the island of Jamaica has in its Lower House passed a bill, revoking the Registry Act; still, as yet such a procedure is the temporary effervescence of one house which has not met the assent of the council, and would not, in all probability, be sanctioned by the British privy council. But indeed, what is the real substance of the act of this one branch of the Jamaica legislature? Not a determination, not to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, not a positive denial to them of a future freedom; but it amounts to an opposition to any laws to be enacted by the British parliament for that purpose, not out of mere contumacy, but because the British parliament did not possess those lights, and that disinterested and dependable information, upon which it could proceed to legislate safely.

Many public meetings have taken place in

Jamaica to promote resolutions and petitions to its legislature; and though they certainly do breathe an angry feeling at any interference by a third party (meaning the initiating branches of the British Constitution), yet they all express a decidedly loyal and firm attachment to the throne.

There have been times, when the sentiments expressed by the colonists of Jamaica, would have been lauded to the skies, (not that we admit they are not bound by the fundamental laws of England; we contend they are, for they are not to choose which they will pay obedience to; it must be to all or none)—as in the case of Ireland; what triumphant contests did she not continue against the parliament of England! for which she was held up as a model of struggling patriotism.

Nothing can be more clear than the distinct tone taken in Jamaica. It is "to carry into effect, by their own measures, that which will not be done by our interfering imposition."

:—

On the 4th October, 1823, among many resolutions, claiming their internal legislatorial independence, was the following :-" Resolved that, from the gradual dissemination of Christian principles, we look forward with peculiar pleasure, to the improvement of our slaves in the scale of civilized beings; and that from past experience and the good effects which have already resulted from their instruction, we confidently anticipate, under di

to draw his conclusions against the sincerity of colonial co-operation.

Mr. Stephen's work appeared about the 18th of February; in January, the following transactions had already taken place in the colonial councils; and Mr. S. had previously time to know, when he published his work, that in using the words "non-compliance of many, if not all, the assemblies," he stated that which was not the fact.

Even Barbadoes is included in the subjoined reports; and though the island of Jamaica has in its Lower House passed a bill, revoking the Registry Act; still, as yet such a procedure is the temporary effervescence of one house which has not met the assent of the council, and would not, in all probability, be sanctioned by the British privy council. But indeed, what is the real substance of the act of this one branch of the Jamaica legislature? Not a determination, not to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, not a positive denial to them of a future freedom; but it amounts to an opposition to any laws to be enacted by the British parliament for that purpose, not out of mere contumacy, but because the British parliament did not possess those lights, and that disinterested and dependable information, upon which it could proceed to legislate safely.

Many public meetings have taken place in

Jamaica to promote resolutions and petitions to its legislature; and though they certainly do breathe an angry feeling at any interference by a third party (meaning the initiating branches of the British Constitution), yet they all express a decidedly loyal and firm attachment to the throne.

There have been times, when the sentiments expressed by the colonists of Jamaica, would have been lauded to the skies, (not that we admit they are not bound by the fundamental laws of England; we contend they are, for they are not to choose which they will pay obedience to; it must be to all or none)—as in the case of Ireland; what triumphant contests did she not continue against the parliament of England! for which she was held up as a model of struggling patriotism.

Nothing can be more clear than the distinct tone taken in Jamaica. It is " to carry into effect, by their own measures, that which will not be done by our interfering imposition."

On the 4th October, 1823, among many resolutions, claiming their internal legislatorial independence, was the following :-" Resolved that, from the gradual dissemination of Christian principles, we look forward with peculiar pleasure, to the improvement of our slaves in the scale of civilized beings; and that from past experience and the good effects which have already resulted from their instruction, we confidently anticipate, under di

vine providence, that we shall be enabled in due time, unaided by any interference in our colonial policy, to render them, what must prove highly pleasing to every master, a contented and happy people."

These sentiments come from the people, and shew, that in the people there exists a wish for amelioration and eventual emancipation; and therefore, the arguments directed against the sincerity of the colonial legislatures, even if true, become inoperative. Their insincerity would be useless, and be disappointed; if against the wishes and ameliorated opinions of their white constituents.

The manner in which Dominica has met the resolutions of the House, has been already shewn, by the report from that island; and that such report is not a temporary expedient to lull the suspicion of the British House of Commons, is evident from this; that it refers to facts long existing, and corroborated by the official testimony of proper persons, as well as by the establishment of a branch missionary society, previously to the period of Mr. Buxton's motion.

How the views of the Government here have been met in other quarters will be seen by the following statements, which have arrived, and which could not but be known to Mr. Stephen; and if all the measures recommended have not been adopted; a partial admission of some, and reasons