ENGLAND AND SPAIN.

But does her influence over Spain, or her ancient connection become lessened by the occurrences which have lately taken place in that country? Change as often as the form of the Spanish Government may; yet, whenever that party is uppermost, which sanctioned the intrusion of France for an internal object; to that Government, upon principle, will there always exist a strong opposition; even though the form of the government should not in itself be objectionable. Besides, with a revengeful people, the recollection of the manner in which it was brought about, will always create an opposite and a dangerous party; and the danger of such party will be the more to be apprehended, because it will be founded, not upon a fleeting popular notion: but upon grounds which can always be defended and supported as of a fundamental character. Of that party England will always be the favourite; and though not looked up to for support, may be relied on for an implied approbation. The occupation of Spain by a French force is a tacit admission, that the mere sitting upon the throne does not secure peace to the Country of Ferdinand. France may say: "The Allies occupied my garrison towns, I do but follow the precedent." But the cases are wholly distinct. The last peace with France was in its first step but a conditional truce.

The

Allies entered France in a state of war after a battle, and to compel her to abide by certain treaties. The breach of those treaties had put the Allies to immense expences, and they claimed an indemnity, remaining in the country, until those claims should be satisfied. And in this case, a British General commanded the army of occupation, and a British merchant guaranteed the engagements of the lately hostile French Government. But France interfered in Spain, not to restore a King to his throne, but to place him upon that throne upon other principles in a great measure, than himself had sworn to defend; and over subjects, who had bled profusely on his behalf, and carried on a war of chivalry in support of his rights; when Ferdinand himself was the prisoner of that very France: who now in the turn of the wheel, professes to release him from bondage.

The principle of such interference and occupation being bad, ab initio, in the opinion of the British people, and of its government; will perpetuate in Spain, a British influence against a French party, and this influence 'reşting upon good argument and good faith, will in all probability prove eventually predominant.

ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

The politics of her former Colonies will always be a matter of deep interest to England; and for

this reason, the last speech of the President of the United States to Congress, naturally gives rise to some few observations; ma parts of such speech containing mot of fact, speak for themselves; but not ly does it in others convey a greater uppe an of amity, and a good understanding with England; but in two very main points professes a similarity to, or rather adopts the policy of England.

From Russia, England had already obtained a suspension of the Ukase, claiming the exclusive navigation of certain waters on the North West Coast of the American Continent. America, therefore, will find her diplomatic errand on that score previously facilitated. It is, however, of no mean consequence, and may hereafter prove of no unimportant result, that England and America are connected in one common object, as against the preposterous claim of Russia. It strengthens the feeling of mutual interests, to be mutually protected and upheld.

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That the United States, bound by no ancient ties to the European Governments, and aiming to be in the American quarter of the globe, the dictator of a new policy, should assume higher tone, as regards the South American Governments, is not in the least surprising; it was to be expected, and is a natural and evident policy. But all that glitters is not gold-nor is it a mere declaration of principles which implies

the possibility of carrying those principles into effect.

As to the idea of the interference of the United States in the concerns of Europe, which they take much pains to disavow; in itself, it is one of the most useless and preposterous, and romantic political notions, that ever entered into a young statesman's head. It is the assumption of an air of consequence, which tends to make the party ridiculous. It is however the peg upon which the further machinery is to hang. It means, that we, the United States, most magnanimously resolve that we will not send our fleets and armies to conquer Europe or to support her quarrels; but we will promote to the utmost of our power, a disseverance of the trans-Atlantic territories from their Mother countries; and if any attempt is made to re-conquer them, then we shall consider such attempt as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards ourselves: or, in diplomatic language, look upon it, as affording grounds for war.

If this be not a position merely intended to try an effect upon Europe, then at this moment ought the United States to be at war both with Spain and Portugal, who have not yet given up their claims, or one iota of them, upon their South American possessions; and the recognition of which, in the shape of independent Governments, on the part of the United States, will not ad

vance them one jot in their political independence.

Besides, when is this declaration made? Long after the Cabinet of St. James's had announced a policy quite as decisive, but of much higher consideration and importance. The Cabinet of St. James's makes the state of the South American Governments at once an European question: not, however, by interdicting their re-conquest or re-occupation by the parent state, (if possible,) but by warning a third party from all and any interference. The declaration of England would be followed up by actions if necessary; but that of the United States is already futile; because the circumstances under which they declare that they should take umbrage, already exist, and they take no part in the affray.

Still, however unaccompanied by the reality of execution, these political fulminations may be; and however distant from the possibility of giving a tone to Europe; yet the United States were once British, are peopled with our people, and the policy they may adopt in their own element, will always be greatly connected with, and bear upon the interests of England.

Their improvements will increase the means of an extending interchange; for many many years must elapse before they can change their national and natural feature from an agricultural and