of such population. Suppose then as a case, that any one district should command the numericalstrength member to move for the dethronement of the King-according to the terms of the acceptance of his seat, he must do it. The folly, therefore, of the doctrine leads to this observation, "That it is not the mere mode of returning the member, but his qualification, and his capability to exercise a sound judgement, which constitute in practice, a fit representative of the people."

That the return of a member to Parliament is rather a surrender of the judgment of the electors into the hands of the elected, may be deduced from an every day occurrence. Thus, a man who has a law suit, entrusts to his counsel the grounds of his case. The counsel undertakes, not

to bring his clients cause to a successful issue, but to exert the utmost of his abilities so to do; and to exercise the best judgment in his power on the evidence or circumstances of the case as they arise. Every act of Parliament is in the nature of an action at law, in which the public good is plaintiff, and individual interest defendant. Upon the pleadings, each member must form his opinion, as the case proceeds, and not be compelled beforehand by his constituents, to pronounce a judgment previously determined upon; which would be in effect, as if he was absent during the debate, and came in only at the moment of voting.

If no exercise of the judgment is necessary, no debate is required, and the votes of the House might be, yes or no, according as the member is commanded by his constituents. But a member is responsible to his constituents for the honest exercise of his judgment; and is, upon the dissolution of Parliament, at their bar.

Do there exist, against the present House of Commons, any charges of incapacity, imbecility, or inferiority to the advanced state of improvement, intellectual as well as practical, to which the Country has attained? Does there exist any accusation of a more serious character? We know of none; and common-sense boldly asserts, that the Constitution, as existing in King, Lords, and Commons, is not only not impaired, but in a very advanced state of practical excellence.

THE ADMINISTRATION.

WE come now to "The Administration," or the "How the affairs of our King's mighty Empire is conducted."

It is forty years since the late Mr. Pitt came into office; and with one short and unsuccessful attempt at change, the same principles have actuated the several cabinets which have, up to this moment, been formed.

It cannot be said, that for one year during this eventful interval, there has been an absence of political excitement, or of danger. Wars have been engaged in and closed with triumphs; colonies have been conquered and retained; the European navies have been annihilated; new and extensive manufactures have started up, and increased the old and founded new channels of consumption; great wealth has been accumulated, and every art and science connected with the luxury of life, have been profusely in requisition. The Gospel has been promulgated-education systematized-and an universal feeling of goodwill and benevolence pervade the veins of society. All these circumstances have arisen, not in times of indolent peace, but whilst the nation was fighting for her very existence.

Neither can it be said, that the policy of the administration has effected all these vast attainments by its own uninterrupted career; on the contrary, no cabinet was ever opposed by such commanding talent, and by such popular eloquence as the Pitt administration. Thus, our very political, and commercial and internal institutions, are the fruits of principles persevered in, and of dangers incurred and surmounted; and what order and regularity, and what present security and future hope exist at this present moment, are the results of adversity baffled, not of an un

dulation of prosperity. It is in the storm and tempest that England has acquired her greatness.

It may be frankly admitted, that the powerful opposition which always accompanied the measures of the Pitt policy, has tended in no little degree to benefit the country. But the tower, which in its building, has resisted every shock of the elements, and remains firm; may at least be considered, as placed on a sound and solid base.

Forty years of experience and perseverance, are grounds of invitation to public confidence, in known and tried and triumphant principles; and what greater homage can be paid to those principles, than the present "state of party; " of which, at this moment, what fire remains, may be looked upon as smothering in its own ashes.

The state of political feeling has indeed undergone a great change, a change of the most encouraging kind. Rival opinions are not now arrayed with a view to a contest for office, but in promoting objects of vast and national importance. The concussion now, is not by what principles ought the country to be governed; but what advantage may be derived from principles already established or acquiescing in. Even such discussion will frequently produce conflicting opinion and much partizanship; but the adminis

tration does not now sit trembling for the existence of its power, and dreading the turn of every argument directed against itself or its measures; but, on the contrary, receives an impression from parliamentary debates and public opinions, by which it regulates much of its policy. When a nation is to be modelled by new institutions, then it looks up to the minister of the day, and expects from him, their ground-work and structure; but when, as in England, the ground-work and structure are complete, the object of a minister is not to institute, but to improve, preserve, and perpetuate.

No country is less indebted than England to any ministerial ingenuity for her present institutions. Her population has been the artificer of her own greatness, and it is impossible that any minister could hoodwink the intelligence of the age. It is, perhaps, one of the faults chargeable to the administration (not, however, originating at the present moment), that associations for particular objects have been encouraged to assume so great an influence, as to embarrass and counteract the very government, which has allowed them to spring up. There are some important subjects which cannot be carried into effect by any body or set of men, or of sects, however laudable their motives, or however desirable the object in view; and for this reason-that when