counties of Louth, Down, Monaghan, and Armagh, in proof of the increase of crime and outrage since the failure of the Monaghan Commission, and insisted on the necessity of some measures being taken to arrest the progress of the Ribbon conspiracy.-The Marquis of LANSDOWNE admitted the importance of the subject, and after some observations from the Earls of WICKLOW and GLENGALL, the returns were ordered.

Viscount CANNING moved for the production of the papers connected with the Attack upon Lagos, to which Earl GRANVILLE acceded, the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH remarking on the singular fact that after fighting on the 23d and 24th, the officers suddenly suspended hostilities on Christmas Day, a circumstance to which he attributed the loss of life which had ensued.

The House having gone into committee on the County Courts Extension Bill, the LORD CHANCELLOR moved the omission of the clause enabling barristers to appear without the intervention of attorneys.-Lord BROUGHAM defended the clause. Lord CAMPBELL supported the objection of the LORD CHANCELLOR, and after some further discussion between his lordship and Lord BROUGHAM, the clause was struck out of

the bill.

On Thursday the 19th, on the motion, that the report on the County Courts Further Extension Bill be received, Lord LYNDHURST called attention to the fact, that according to the decision of the county court judges, since confirmed by the superior courts, a suitor who recovered the amount of his claim and the 158. costs allowed by the act, might be called upon to pay to his own attorney a bill for expenses incurred out of court, exceeding the amount of his claim, the payment of which, according to the rule of the superior courts, would in such a case fall upon a defendant; in illustration of which the noble lord mentioned a case in which a tradesman, after recovering a debt of 51. with 15s. costs, had to pay his attorney a bill for expenses out of court, which, when taxed, amounted to 11. 48.-After a conversation between Lord Brougham, Lord Lyndhurst, and Lord Campbell, from which it appeared that the decision in the courts of Westminster was in conformity with the wording of the county courts act, the Earl of DERBY observed, that as it was clear that the costs of a suit in the county court might be as considerable as those in a superior court, and as the successful suitor in the court was now liable to pay expenses which in the superior court would fall upon the defendant, it was clear that in extending the jurisdiction of the county courts it was fitting that a remedy for this acknowledged evil should be provided.-Some further discussion ensued, in which, besides the noble lords already mentioned, the Marquess of Lansdowne, Lord Cranworth, Earl Fitzwilliam, and Earl Grey took part, and which ended in the further consideration of the report being adjourned till Tuesday next.

from the constitution, and of which no sane portion of the community wished it should be deprived. The noble marquis concluded a very graceful and dignified speech, which was cheered from both sides of the house, by moving that the house on its rising should adjourn till Friday next. The house adjourned accordingly.

IN the HOUSE OF COMMONS, on Tuesday, the 3rd inst., the Address in reply to Her Majesty's speech was moved Bonham Carter. Sir B. Hall asked Lord John Russell by Sir R. William Bulkeley, and seconded by Mr. for an explanation of the recent changes in the Administration of Foreign Affairs. Lord John RUSSELL entered into this explanation. He began by describing what he conceived to be the relative positions of a prime minister and a foreign secretary, taking the definition of the former from the evidence of Sir Robert Peel before the committee on salaries; and ther stated, that in August, 1850, a letter had been written to Lord Palmerston, in the following terms:

She

"The Queen requires, first, that Lord Palmerston will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she is giving her royal sanction. Secondly, having once given her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily altered or modified by the minister. Such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity towards the crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitutional right of dismissing that minister. expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the foreign ministers before important decisions are taken based upon that intercourse; to receive the foreign despatches in good time; and to have the draughts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this letter to Lord Palmerston."

He then stated certain events of last autumn, and said that there had been a cabinet meeting on the 3rd of November, at which it was agreed that the state of Europe was very critical, and that it behoved England to preserve the strictest neutrality. Yet, a short time afterwards, Lord Palmerston received deputations with addresses, in which the most disrespectful language was applied to the sovereigns of foreign nations. But though in this matter Lord Palmerston had not exercised due caution, he (Lord John Russell) had been willing to consider it an inadvertence, and to take his share of the responsibility. Lord John Russell then proceeded to the circumstances which were the immediate cause of Lord Palmerston's dismissal. A cabinet council had been held on the 3rd of December last, in reference to Lord Normanby's application for instructions on the Parisian crisis, when it was agreed that Lord Normanby had only to abstain from all interference, and Lord Palmerston, on the 5th, sent off a despatch correctly expressing the opinion of the government. A few days afterwards, Lord Normanby wrote to Lord Palmerston to say that he had communicated his despatch to the French foreign minister, who had informed him that two days before Lord Palmerston had signified to Count Walewski his entire approbation of the coup d'état, and had said that there was no other course open to Louis Napoleon. He (Lord John Russell) wrote to Lord Palmerston for an explanation; conceiving that if Monday 23d. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE announced England, through her foreign secretary, pronounced the Resignation of Ministers, and the formation of a an opinion of that kind, it could no longer be said that new ministry under the Earl of Derby. The noble we abstained from any appearance of interference in marquis said he had no wish to throw any impediments favour of the course pursued by the president. in the way of the noble earl, especially as the experience days," said Lord John Russell, "elapsed before I heard of the past year had convinced him that the retention of anything more on this head, not having had any comoffice by a government which could not command a suf- munication from my noble friend, of any kind, relating ficient amount of support was a positive evil. Having to these affairs. But on the 13th of December a messaid so much, he might stop; but as he felt that the senger arrived at Woburn, bringing a communication time had now arrived when it was improbable that he from her Majesty to me, making inquiry with respect to should ever again address the house from that bench, this same despatch, expressing incredulity at such an and when he might reasonably dispense with a compul- intimation of opinion, but asking for explanations as to sory attendance on the proceedings of the house, he the real state of the circumstances. The next morning could not sit down without thanking his friends, per- I sent a messenger off, and he must have arrived in sonal and political, and the house at large, for the cor- London on the 14th of December. I received no answer diality and courtesy with which he had always been on that day. On the 15th I received no answer whattreated. It had ever been his wish to see the proceed-ever. On the 16th I wrote a note by the early post, ings of that house characterised by a spirit of moderation and an absence of all acrimonious feeling-qualities which were essential to the dignity of the house, and to the maintenance of that authority which it derived

On Friday the 20th, a conversation took place between the Earl of Minto and Lord Redesdale, respecting the Megara, from which it appeared that the master had put to sea without a sufficient supply of provisions, in the hope of completing it on cheaper terms at Plymouth.

"Some

expressing my opinion that such a silence was not respectful to her Majesty, and asking for an answer. However, neither on the 15th nor the 16th did any communication reach me. The same extraordinary silence

was observed. The inquiry of the queen, as to what minister. The latter said that two days before he had was the meaning of the alleged conversation between received a communication, which he described, however, her foreign secretary and the ambassador of a foreign in highly-coloured words. Lord J. Russell had written country, was left entirely unnoticed. I own I was for explanation, and he (Lord Palmerston) had, being greatly surprised at such a state of things; but on the much pressed by business, delayed his reply until he morning of the 17th I received copies of despatches, one could write fully, which he did on the evening of the of which had been received and the other had been 16th of December. My answer (said Lord Palmerston) sent. The first was from Lord Normanby to Lord was, that the opinions, the words quoted by Lord NorPalmerston, dated Paris, December the 16th, and manby, gave a colouring to anything that I could have received on the 17th. Now, although no answer had said in conversation with the French ambassador, but been given to me, and although I was unable to satisfy that my opinion was, and that was the opinion that no the inquiries which were made by my sovereign, it doubt I had expressed, that there had been for some appears that Lord Palmerston, on the 17th, the day on time such an antagonism arising between the president which this despatch was received, wrote of his own on the one side, and the assembly on the other, that authority a despatch, which he sent to Paris, and which their long co-existence had become impossible, and that had not obtained my concurrence, nor the concurrence it was my opinion if one or the other was to prevail, of my colleagues. Lord Palmerston (pursued Lord J. that it was better for the French that the president Russell) had, in this despatch, evaded the real question should prevail than that the assembly should prevail. at issue. The foreign secretary had chosen to put The assembly had nothing as a substitute for the presihimself in the place of the crown, and to pass by and dent, except what would lead to civil war; but the neglect the crown, although a secretary of state had no president, on the other hand, had to offer unity of constitutional authority whatever. Another question purpose and unity of authority. This opinion was exhad arisen, which had been one of delicacy. The act of pressed on the 3rd, the day after the coup d'état. I the French President had not only dissolved the will not trouble the house with all the arguments that assembly, but abolished the constitution, and fettered I used in my letter or the illustrations which it conthe press. This might be desirable or not, but this was tained. To that letter my noble friend replied that a matter for the French alone. It was not for an after that letter he had come to the reluctant conclusion English minister to place the broad seal of England on that it was not consistent with the interest of the such acts. We had been showing sympathy to various country that the general management of foreign affairs nations, for many years, in their attempts to obtain should any longer remain in my hands. He said that constitutions-how could we take that course after the question between us was not whether the president expressing approbation of what had been done in was justified or not in what he had done, but whether France? Under all circumstances, he had come to the I was justified or not in having expressed an opinion conclusion, that he could not continue to act with Lord upon the subject. To that I replied that there was a Palmerston. The latter had at last addressed to him a well known and perfectly understood distinction between long letter, giving his reasons for advocating the cause conversations which are official, and by which governof the president, but these reasons did not seem to Lord ments are bound, and representing the opinion of John to touch the question. He had, therefore, on the governments, and unofficial conversations which do not 20th, written to her Majesty, advising that Lord bind governments, and in which the speakers are not Palmerston be required to resign. He had consulted expressing the opinions of government, but the opinions none of his colleagues in that step, feeling that the which they themselves have. I said that I had said responsibility ought to remain with himself alone, but nothing in my conversation with Count Walewski, at a cabinet council on the 22nd they decided that he which could in the slightest degree ever affect her could have taken no other course. Lord John Russell Majesty's government. I said, if the doctrine of the then entered upon continental affairs, and, in reference noble lord were to be established, that the foreign to France, declared his own opinion that though secretary was to be precluded from expressing on it was not for us to act as Austria and Russia passing events any opinion to a foreign minister, except had done in regard to the president, still he had in the capacity of the organ of a previously concerted no hesitation in saying that no doubt the president cabinet, that there would be an end of all that easy and had acted from the best sources of information, and had familiar intercourse between secretaries of state and done what from his knowledge of the question he foreign ministers which led so greatly to the maintethought best for France. He proceeded to condemn nance of good understandings and the facilitating of the severe language the English press had used against public business." Lord Palmerston proceeded to say, Louis Napoleon, and reminded the house that such that his opinion, objected to by Lord John Russell, was language by the press of former days had goaded the expressed on the 3rd December; and the same evening, First Consul into war; but he thought this was not pro- under the same roof, Lord John Russell expressed his bable on that account, because the President of France opinion to the same individual, and, judging by what well understood that the press of England did not had fallen from Lord John Russell that night, it was necessarily convey the feelings of the government or of probable that his opinion was the same as Lord Palthe nation. He was opposed to alarmist doctrines, and merston's. And on the following Friday each of the did not believe that two of the greatest nations of the other ministers seemed to have expressed an opinion earth were going to butcher one another. Alluding to the upon the very subject which Lord Palmerston was told hospitality we had for so many years shown to refugees he must not express an opinion on. So every minister, of every nation, he trusted we should never forget this except the only one who had studied foreign questions, obligation, but he hoped we should remember it without was to be free to pronounce upon them. And as to the incensing other nations, or increasing our own arma- despatch to Lord Normanby, was it to be laid down as ments."-Lord PALMERSTON replied to the statement of a rule that on no occasion was a foreign minister to send Lord John Russell. Referring to the incident of the a despatch on his own discretion, without being charged deputation, he said that he had thought it his duty to with breach of duty to the crown and the prime minisreceive it, but had scarcely thought his answer would ter? He had certainly often adhered to that rule, to have been made a matter of public importance; but the damage of his own character for punctuality in there was nothing in that answer which he had not said matters of business; but was such a rule to be pushed in his place in that house, and though he had regretted to absurdity? It was an unfair misrepresentation to expressions in the addresses in question, he did not think say that in his despatch to Lord Normanby he had there was anything in that affair to impair our foreign given any instructions, or spoken in the name of Engrelations. Adverting to the incidents of the coupland. He had done no such thing. Lord John Russell d'état, he said, that "he had, in conversation with the had therefore written to the Queen to remove him French ambassador, uttered precisely the sentiments (Lord Palmerston) for doing precisely what every which appeared in the despatch Lord J. Russell had other member of the government had done. Lord read. But when Lord Normanby applied for instruc- Palmerston concluded by saying that he fully concurred tions, there could be, of course, but one answer con- in the policy which Lord John Russell had declared sistently with our habitual policy. Lord Normanby should be ours, and that he had been proud to be, as thought it necessary to communicate this to the French | Lord John had once described him, the minister not of

although they had been adopted to some extent, many changes had since been introduced. Dr. Reid was then ordered to withdraw; and after a desultory conversation, it was agreed that the subject should be further considered on the following Wednesday.

several others less than 500. He proposed to abide by that standard of 500, and to add places in the neighbourhood to those which had less, in order to make up that number. The number of boroughs to which this principle would apply in England and Wales would be On Monday, the 9th, Lord John RUSSELL moved for sixty-seven. These small boroughs (except some few in leave to bring in a Bill to Extend the Right of Voting Yorkshire) being in the southern and western counties, for Members of Parliament, and to Amend the Laws were principally in agricultural districts, and the places Relating to the Representation of the People. After it was proposed to add to them being of the same chastating his reasons for bringing forward this measure at racter, of course the balance of interests established by the present time, and after taking a historical retrospect the reform bill would be preserved, the object being not of the previous measures of reform proposed, from that to interfere with those interests, but to leave them as of Mr. Pitt, in 1781, down to the Reform Bill of 1832, they were. He further proposed that the property quaLord John proceeded to explain the nature and provi-lification should be abolished; so that in future the sions of the measure now proposed. It would be unwise English and Irish members would in this respect be (he said) and destroy the balance of the constitution, if placed on a footing of equality with those of Scotland. the representation were confined to the counties and Another subject he proposed to deal with in the billlarge towns. He saw no reason for absolute disfran- after the necessary resolution of the house on the subject chisement in the case of the small boroughs. It was should be passed-was the oaths taken by members. In only proposed to disfranchise those boroughs where there the new form of oath he proposed the words "on the was proof of corruption, to be ascertained by means of true faith of a Christian" should be omitted-words a commission similar to that appointed in the St. Alban's which had never been introduced to confine the right of case. It would be for the house to consider whether the sitting in parliament to Christians, but for a totally difhiatus in the representation occasioned by the disfran- ferent purpose. The oath he would suggest was a chisement of boroughs under such circumstances, should simple one, which all members could take alike, merely not be filled up as he now proposed in the case of binding them to allegiance to the throne, and fidelity to Sudbury and St. Alban's, by giving the vacant seats to the succession. There would be one other clause in the populous and growing towns like Birkenhead and bill, in regard to members accepting offices under the Burnley. Holding that Parliament was correct in 1831, crown. At present, not only when the member first in placing the right of voting on household suffrage at accepted office, but when he changed office, his seat a 107. qualification, he thought the time had come when became vacant. He did not propose to alter the law as it might safely be lowered. He proposed to substitute regarded members accepting office for the first time, but a rated value of 57. in boroughs for the existing 107. fran- he thought that when a member who held one office chise. In point of numbers he calculated that the merely changed to another, under the same adminisproportion of occupiers between 57. and 107. as compared tration, there should be no necessity for a re-election; with those of 107. and upwards, was about six to ten. and to this extent he proposed to effect an alteration. The proposed change, therefore, would add materially With regard to Ireland it was not proposed to make any to the number of voters in boroughs. He proposed to alteration in respect, to the county franchise. But with maintain the distinction between the county and the regard to the city and borough franchise the qualifiborough franchise established by the reform act. The cation would be reduced from 87. to 57., it having been 40s. freehold franchise would not be disturbed; but found that the 81. franchise greatly restricted the with regard to the occupation franchise, he thought the number of voters in Ireland. The very small number same qualification which entitled a man to sit on juries on the lists of some of the boroughs had disposed might safely be taken as that which should give the government to reconsider the question placed before right to vote for members of parliament; and, accord- the house when the Irish bill was before it—viz., ingly, he proposed to reduce the occupation franchise in whether, with regard to some of those boroughs, it was counties from 50l. to 207. rated value; and with regard not advisable to add the neighbouring towns and thereby to copyhold tenures and long leaseholds, the qualifi- secure larger and more independent constituencies. cation was to be reduced from 107. to 51. Besides these, Lord John concluded as follows:-"I trust that when it was proposed to give a new right of voting indis- this enlarged franchise is given, we shall next see the criminately to persons residing either in counties or government of this country, in whosesoever hands it be, boroughs-those residing without the limits of the consider most seriously and earnestly the great question borough to vote for the county, and those within, for of the education of the people. This question of the the borough-that was, the right for all persons to vote franchise is not alien from that other one of providing who paid direct taxes in the shape of assessed or income- that the instruction, the education of the people, should tax, to the amount of 40s. a year. Such new qualifi- be in a better state than it now is. I am convinced, that cation, however, was not to extend to persons who paid if after a measure of this kind, in another session of merely for licenses. This would obviate the objection parliament, this house shall consider the means of frequently and reasonably urged, that while persons establishing a really national system of education, they holding freehold or leasehold property, and even mere will confer one of the greatest blessings which can be occupying tenants had the right of voting, a large class conferred upon this country; a measure for which, I of educated men, possessing property, and every quali- believe, the people are now almost prepared; and fication for the exercise of the franchise, had not that which, after further discussion, I do trust might be right. With regard to the small boroughs, he thought carried with very nearly a general assent. I do not on principle they should be maintained. He did not propose now, however, to enter further into this subject. find, although there was now an outcry against them, I have stated the general provisions of the bill that I that Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, or any other statesman who had propose to introduce; and I rejoice that in this propounded or supported plans of parliamentary reform, time of quiet and tranquillity we can fairly consider had ever suggested the total destruction of the small that we are not acting under compulsion of any sort, boroughs. It was a mistake to suppose that all these that we are not obliged by any clamour to introduce boroughs were infected with corruption more than some this measure, but that we do it in the humble and of the larger constituencies. In many of them elections earnest hope that we may contribute something were conducted with purity; but as with regard to to the power and the glory of our country.' some, it was said with truth, that the influence of pro- Mr. HUME thought the bill might do some good, but perty controlled the elections, and, as it was desirable it would not meet the expectations of the people. He that that reproach should be removed, he proposed, complained of the omission of the ballot and triennial where such influence prevailed, to extend the consti- parliaments.-Sir J. WALSH saw no grounds for retuencies by adding neighbouring towns in the same or opening a question which, it was understood, had been the adjoining county. In bringing forward the reform finally settled one-and-twenty years ago.-Sir R. INGLIS act, he had stated that no electoral borough under that complained that Lord John Russell had introduced act would have less than 300 voters, and while that was into his reform bill questions of a religious character, the case generally, it apeared that fourteen had less than such as the admission of Jews to parliament. With that number, about thirty more had less than 400, and regard to the extension of the suffrage, he did not dread