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It was said also, "That the People have always, by their representa. tives in Parliament, been unwilling to vary Names,-seeing they love settlement and known names, as was said before." And there were tw good instances given of that: the one, in King James's time, about his desire to alter somewhat of the Title: and the other in the Long Parliament, where they being otherwise rationally moved to adopt the word Representative" instead of "Parliament," refused it for the same reason. [Lenthall tries to blush.]—It was said also, "That the holding to this word doth strengthen the 'new' Settlement; for hereby there is not anything de novo done, but merely things are revolved in their old current." It was said, "That it is the security of the Chief Magistrate, and that it secures all who act under him."-Truly these are the principal of those grounds that were offered the other day, so far as I do recollect.

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I cannot take upon me to refel those grounds; they are so strong and rational. But if I am to be able to make any answer to them, I must not grant that they are necessarily conclusive; I must take them only as arguments which perhaps have in them much conveniency, much probability towards conclusiveness. For if a remedy or expedient may be found, they are not of necessity, they are not inevitable grounds: and if not necessary or concluding grounds, why then they will hang upon the reason of expediency or conveniency. And if so, I shall have a little liberty to speak;' otherwise I am concluded before I speak.-Therefore it will behove me to say what I can, Why these are not necessary reasons; why they are not-why it is not (I should say) so interwoven in the Laws but that the Laws may still be executed as justly, and as much to the satisfaction of the people, and answering all objections equally well, without such a Title as with it. And then, when I have done that, I shall only take the liberty to say a word or two for my own grounds. And when I have said what I can say as to that 'latter point,'-I hope you will think a great deal more than I say. [Not convenient to SPEAK everything in so ticklish a predicament; with Deputations of a Hundred Officers, and so many “scrupulous fellows," considerable in their own conceit," glaring into the business, with eyes much sharper than they are deep!

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Truly though Kingship be not a 'mere' Title, but the Name of an

The Kingship: his Highness finds that the grammar will require to be attended to.

Grounds' originating with myself independently of yours. Is this the "second" thing, which his Highness had in view, but did not specify after the "first," when he started? The issue proves it to be so.

Office which runs through the 'whole of the' Law; yet is it not so ratione nominis, by reason of the name, but by reason of what the name signifies. It is a Name of Office plainly implying a Supreme Authority: is it more; or can it be stre.ched to more? I say, it is a Name of Office plainly implying the Supreme Authority: and if so, why then I should suppose,—I am not peremptory in anything that is matter of deduction or inference of my own, but I should suppose that whatso ever name hath been or shall be the Name under which the Supreme Authority acts-[Sentence abruptly stops; the conclusion being visible without speech ] Why, I say, if it had been those Four or Five Letters or whatever else it had been-! That signification goes to the thing certainly it does; and not to the name. [Certainly!] Why, then, there can no more be said but this: As such a Title hath been fixed, so it may be unfixed. And certainly in the right of the Authority, I mean the Legislative Power,-in the right of the Legislative Power, I think the Authority that could christen it with such a name could have called it by another name. Therefore the name is only derived from that 'Authority.' And certainly they, 'the primary Legislative Authority,' had the disposal of it, and might have detracted 'from it,' changed 'it :'— and I hope it will be no offence to say to you, as the case now stands, "So may you." And if it be so that you may, why then I say, there is nothing of necessity in your argument; and all turns on consideration of the expedience of it. [Is the Kingship expedient?]

Truly I had rather, if I were to choose, if it were the original question,-which I hope is altogether out of the question [His Highness means afar off, in a polite manner, "You don't pretend that I still need to be made Protector by you or by any creature!"],—I had rather have any Name from this Parliament than any other Name without it: so much do I value the authority of the Parliament. And I believe all men are of my mind in that; I believe the Nation is very much of my mind,--though it be an uncertain way of arguing, what mind they are of.* I think we may say it without offence; for I would give none! [No offence to you, Honorable Gentlemen, who are here by function, to interpret and signify the Mind of the Nation. It is very difficult to do!]-Though the Parliament be the truest way to know what the mind of the Nation is, yet if the Parliament will be pleased to give me a liberty to reason for myself; and if that be one of your arguments—[“ That :" what, your Highness? That the mind of the Nation, well interpreted by this Parliament, is really for a King? That our Laws cannot go on without a King ?—His Highness means the former mainly, but means the latter too; means several things together, as

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Naturally a delicate subject: some assert the Nation has never recognized nis Highness,—his Highness being of a very different opinion indeed!

his manner sometimes is, in abstruse cases!]--I hope I may urge against that the reason of my own mind is not quite to that effect. But I do say undoubtingly (let us think about other things, 'about the mind of the Nation and such like,' what we will), what the Parliament settles is what will run, and have currency,' through the Law; and will lead the thread of Government through this Land equally well as what hath been. For I consider that what hath been was upon the same account, by the same authority.' Save that there hath been some long continuance of the thing [This thing of Kingship], it is but upon the same account! It had its original somewhere! And it was with consent of the whole,-there is the original of it. And consent of the whole will still,' I say, be the needle that will lead the thread through all [The same tailor-metaphor a second time.] and I think no man will pretend right against it, or wrong!

And if so, then, under favor to me, I think these arguments from the Law are all not as of necessity, but are to be understood as of conveniency. It is in your power to dispose and settle; and beforehand we can have confidence that what you do settle will be as authentic as the things that were of old, especially as this individual thing, the Name, or Title,according to the Parliament's appointment. 'Is not this so? It is question not of necessity; we have power to settle it as conveniency directs.' Why then, there will (with leave) be way made for me to offer a reason or two to the other considerations you adduced: otherwise, I say my mouth is stopped! [His Highness is plunging in deep brakes and imbroglios ; hopes, however, that he now sees daylight athwart them.]

There are very many inforcements to carry on this thing. [Thing of the Kingship.] But I suppose it will have to stand on its expediency-Truly I should have urged one consideration more which I forgot [Looks over his shoulder in the jungle, and bethinks him !],—namely, the argument not of reason only, but of experience. It is a short one, but it is a true one (under favor), and is known to you all in the fact of it (under favor) [A damnable iteration; but too characteristic to be omitted]: That the Supreme Authority going by another Name and under another Title than that of King hath been, why it hath been already twice complied with! [Long Parliament, called" Keepers of the Liberties of England," found compliance; and now the "Protectorate" finds.] 'Twice: under the Custodes Libertatis Anglia, and also since I exercised the place, it hath been complied with. And truly I may say that almost universal obedience hath been given by all ranks and sorts of men to both. Now this on the part of both these Authorities,' was a beginning with the highest degree of Magistracy at the first alteration; and 'at a time' when that 'Kingship' was the name 'established:' and the new

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Name, though it was the name of an invisible thing, the very Name, I say, was obeyed, did pass current, was received and did carry on the 'Public' Justice of the Nation. I remember very well, my Lords the Judges were somewhat startled: yet upon consideration,—if I mistake not, I believe so, they, there being among them (without reflection) as able and as learned as have sat there, though they did, I confess, at first, demur a little,—they did receive satisfaction, and did act as I said before. [Untwist this extraordinary WITHE of a sentence; you will find it not inextricable, and very characteristic of Oliver!] And as for my own part [My own Protectorate], I profess I think I may say: Since the beginning of that change,-though I should be loath to speak anything vainly, but since the beginning of that change to this day, I do not think there hath been a freer procedure of the Laws, not even in those years called, and not unworthily, the "Halcyon Days of Peace,"—from the Twentieth of Elizabeth to King James's and King Charles's time. I do not think but the Laws have proceeded with as much freedom and justice, and with less of private solicitation, since I came to the Government, as they did in those years so named,- Halcyon.' I do not think, under favor-[His Highness gets more emphatic]-that the laws had a freer exercise, more uninterrupted by any hand of Power, in those years than now; or that the Judge has been less solicited by letters or private interpositions either of my own or other men's in double so many years in all those times 'named' "of Peace!" [Sentence involving an incurable Irish-bull; the head of it eating the tail of it, like a Serpent-of-Eternity; but the meaning shining very clear through its contortions nevertheless!] And if more of my Lords the Judges were here than now are, they could tell us perhaps somewhat farther.*And therefore I say,

under favor: These two Experiences do manifestly show that it is not a Title, though never so interwoven with our Laws, that makes the Law to have its free passage and to do its office without interruption (as we venture to think it is now doing): 'not a Title, no ;' and if a Parliament shall determine that another Name run through the Laws, I believe it will run with as free a passage as this' of King ever did.' Which is all I have to say upon that head.

And if this be so, then truly other things may fall under a more indifferent consideration:† and so I shall arrive at the Second thing I had in view,' at some issue of answering for myself in this great matter. And all this while, nothing that I say doth any way determine as to my final resolution, or 'intimate any thought against the Parliament's

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* Reform of Chancery; improvements made in Law.

Other things,' your other arguments, may lose a great deal of their formidable air of cogency, as if Necessity herself were backing them

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wisdom in this matter; but endeavoreth' really and honestly and plainly towards such an answer as may be fit for me to give. The Parliament desires to have this Title. It hath stuck with me, and doth yet stick. And truly, as I hinted the other day,* it seemed as if your arguments to me did partly give positive grounds for what was to be done, and partly comparative grounds; stating the matter as you were then pleased to do,-for which I gave no cause that I know of, that is, for comparing the effects of Kingship with those of such a Name as I at present bear, with 'those of the Protectorship' to wit.' I say I hope it will not be understood that I contend for the name; or for any name, or anything of a merely extraneous nature;' but truly and plainly' for the substance of the business,'-if I speak as in the Lord's presence; ay, in all right things, as a person under the disposal of the Providence of God,-neither naming" one thing nor other; but only endeavoring to give fit answer as to this proposed Name or Title. For I hope I do not desire to give a rule to anybody- much less to the Parliament.' I professed I had not been able, and I truly profess I have not yet been able,-to give a rule to myself 'in regard to your Proposal.' I would be understood in this. [Yes, your Highness. "That it is not doubt of the Parliament's wisdom; that it is not vain preference or postponence of one 'name' to another; but doubt as to the substantial expediency of the thing proposed, uncertainty as to God's will and monition in regard to it, -that has made and still makes me speak in this uncomfortable, haggling, struggling and wriggling manner. It is no easy thing forcing one's way through a jungle of such depth! An affair of Courtship moreover, which grows and has to grow by the very handling of it! I would not be misunderstood in this.”]

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I am a man standing in the Place I am in [Clearly, your Highness]; which Place I undertook not so much out of hope of doing any good, a out of a desire to prevent mischief and evil [Note this],—which I did see was imminent on the Nation. I say, we were running headlong into confusion and disorder, and would necessarily have run into blood; and I was passive to those that desired me to undertake the Place which I now have. [With tones, with a look of sorrow, solemnity and nobleness; the brave Oliver! A Place, I say, not so much of doing good,— which a man lawfully may, if he deal deliberately with God and his own conscience,- —a man may (I say) lawfully, if he deal deliberately with God and his own conscience; a man may lawfully, as the case

* Saturday last, day before Yesterday.

†The original (Somers, vi., 368) unintelligible, illegible except with the powerfullest lenses, yields at last,-with some slight changes of the points and so forth,-this sense as struggling at the bottom of it.

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