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The Speech, reported by one knows not whom, lies in old Manuscript in the British Museum; and printed in late years in ths Book called Burton's Diary; here and there in a very dreary, besmeared, unintelligible condition; from which, as heretofore, a pious Editor strives to rescue it. Sufficiently studied, it becomes intelligible, nay luminous. Let the reader too read with piety, with a real endeavor to understand.


When I came hither, I did think that a duty was incumbent upon me a little to pity myself; because, this being a very extraordinary occasion, I thought I had very many things to say unto you, 'and was somewhat burdened and straitened thereby.' But truly now, seeing you in such a condition as you are,* I thin^I must turn off 'my pity' in this, as I hope I shall in everything else;—and consider you as certainly not being able long to bear that condition and heat that ydu are

now in. 'So far as possible, on this large subject, let us be brief;

not studying the Art of Rhetoricians.' Rhetoricians, whom I do not pretend to 'much concern with ;' neither with them, nor with what they use to deal in: Words!

Truly our business is to speak Things! The Dispensations of God that are upon us do require it; and that subject upon which we shall .make our discourse is somewhat of very great interest and concernment, both for the glory of God, and with reference to His Interest in the world. I mean His peculiar, His most peculiar Interest, 'His Church, the Communion of the faithful Followers of Christ;'—and that will not leave any of us to exclude His general Interest, which is the concernment of the Living People, 'not as Christians but as human creatures,' within these three Nations, and all the Dependencies thereupon. I have told you I should speak to things; things that concern these Interests: The Glory of God, and His Peculiar Interest in the world,—which ' latter' is more extensive, I say more extensive, than the People of all these three Nations with the appurtenances, or the countries and places belonging unto them.t

The first thing, therefore, that I shall speak to is That that is the first lesson of Nature: Being and Preservation. [Begin at the basis: How

* Place crowded, weather hot.

t "more extensive:" more important would have better suited what wen: Defore: yet " extensive" is in all likelihood the word, for his Highness was here branching out into a second idea, which he goes on to blend with the primary one, of " the concernment "f the general mass of the People."


are we to get continued at all as a Nation, not trampled under foot by Invaders, Anarchies, and reduced to wreck ?] As to that oi Being, I do think I do not ill style it the first consideration which Nature teacheth the Sons of Adam :—and then I think we shall enter into a field large enough when we come to consider that of Well-being. But if Being itself be not first well laid, I think the other will hardly follow!

Now in order to this, to the Being and Subsistence of these Nations with all their Dependencies: The conservation of that,'namely of our National Being,' is first to be viewed with respect to those who seek to undo it, and so make it not to be; and then very naturally we shall come to the consideration of what will make it be, of what will keep its being and subsistence. [His Highness's head of method.]

'Now' that which plainly seeks the destruction of the Being of these Nations is, out of do^t: The endeavor and design of all the common Enemies of them. I think, truly, it will not be hard to find out who those Enemies are; nor what hath made them so. I think, they are all the wicked men in the world, whether abroad or at home, that are the Enemies to the very Being of these Nations ;—and this upon a common account from the very enmity that is in them 'to all such things.' Whatsoever could serve the glory of God and»the interest of His People,— which they see to be more eminently, yea more eminently patronized and professed in this Nation (we will not speak it with vanity) than in all the Nations in the world: this is the common ground of the common enmity entertained against the prosperity of our Nation, against the very Being of it.—But we will not, I think, take up our time, contemplating who these Enemies are, and what they are, in the general notion: we will labor to specificate our Enemies; to know what persons and bodies of persons they practically are that seek the very destruction and* Being of these Three Nations.

And truly I would not have laid such a foundation but to the end 1 • might very particularly communicate with you 'about that same matter.' For which ' above others,' I think you are called hither at this time :— That I might particularly communicate with you about the many dangers these Nations stand in, from enemies abroad and at home; and advise with you about the remedies, and means to obviate these dangers. 'Dangers ' which,—say I, and I shall leave it to you whether you will join with me or no,—strike at the very Being and ' vital' interest of these Nations. And therefore, coming to particulars, I will shortly represent to you the estate of your affairs in that respect: in respect * namely' of the Enemies you are engaged with; and how you come to be engaged with those Enemies, and how they came to be, as heartily, I believe, en

* 'of the' would be more grammatical; but much less Oliverian.

gaged against you. [His Highness's utterance is terribly rusty hitherto; creaky, uncertain, difficult! He will gather strength by going. Wait till the axles get warm a little.']

Why, truly, your great enemy is the Spaniard. He is a natural enemy. He is naturally so; he is naturally so throughout,—by reason of Jiat enmity that is in him against whatsoever is of God. 'Whatsoever is of God' which is in you, or which may be in you; contrary to that which his blindness and darkness, led on by superstition, and the impli» citness of his faith in submitting to the See of Rome, actuate* him unto !—With this King and State, I say, you are .at present in hostility. We put you into this hostility. You will give us leave to tell you how. [By sending out your Hispaniola Fleet, Christmas gone a year,which has issued rather sorrily, your Highness.'] For we are ready to excuse 'this and' most of our actions,—and to justify them too, as well as to excuse them,—upon the ground of Necessity. 'And' the ground of Necessity, for justifying of men's actions, is above all considerations of instituted Law; and if this or any other State should go about,—as I know they never will,—to make Laws against Events, against what may happen,' then' I think it is obvious to any man, they will be making Laws against Providence; events, and issues of things, being from God alone, to whom all issues belong.

The Spaniard is your enemy; and your enemy, as I tell you, naturally, by that antipathy which is in him,—' and also' providentially,f and this in divers respects. You could not get an honest or honorable Peac& from him: it was sought by the Long Parliament; it was not attained, [t could not be attained with honor and honesty. I say, it could not be attained with honor and honesty. And truly when I say that,'I do but say,' He is naturally throughout an enemy; an enmity is put into him by God. "I will put an enmity between thy seed and her seed;"{— which goes but for little among statesmen, but is more considerable than all things! [ Yea, your Highness; it is!Listen to what his Highness himself says of his reasons for going to war with Spain. "Statesmen" too if they can separate therein what is transitory from what is perennial and eternal, may find it still very worthy of attention. He who has in him, who manifests in the ways of him, an "enmity to God," and goes about patronizing unveracities, rotten delusions, brazen falsities, pestilent injustices,with him, whatever his seeming extent of monied-capital and

* 'acts' in orig., now as always.

(- Means, not ' luckily' as now, but simply ' by special ordering of Prori dence.' \ Genesis, iii., 15.

worldly prosperity may be, I would advise no nation nor statesman nor man to be prompt in clapping up an alliance. He will not come to good, I think; not he, for one. Bad security in his firm; have no trade with him. With him your only fit trade is, Duel to the death, when the lime comes for that!] And he that considers not such natural enmity, the providential enmity, as well as the accidental, T think he is not well acquainted with Scripture and the things of God. And the Spaniard ia r.ot only our enemy accidentally, but he is providentially so; God having in His wisdom disposed it so to be, when we made a breach with the Spanish Nation ' long ago.' •

No sooner did this Nation form what is called (unworthily) the Reformed Religion [It was not half reformed!] after the death of Queen Mary, by the Queen Elizabeth of famous memory,—we need not be ashamed to call her so! [No, your Highness; the Royal court-phrase expresses in this case an exact truth. She was and is " of famous memory."]—but the Spaniard's design became, By all unworthy, unnatural means, to*destroy that Person, and to seek the ruin and destruction of these Kingdoms. For me to instance in particulars upon that account, were to trouble you at a very unseasonable time: there is a-Declaration extant [The Council's "Declaration," in October last], which very fully hath in it the origin of the Spaniard venting himself upon this Nation; und a series of it* from those very beginnings to this present day. But his enmity was partly upon that general account which all are agreed 'about.' The French, all the Protestants in Germany, all have agreed, That his design was the empire of the whole Christian World if not more;—and upon that ground he .looks 'and hath looked' at this Nation as his greatest obstacle. And as to what his attempts have been for that end,—I refer you to that Declaration, and to the observations of men who read History. It would not be difficult to call to mind the several Assassinations designed upon that Lady, that great Queen: the attempts upon Ireland, the Spaniards' invading of it; their designs of the same nature upon this Nation,—public designs, private designs, all manner of designs, to accomplish this great, and general end. Truly King James made a Peace; but whether this Nation, and the interest of all Protestant Christians, suffered not more by that Peace, than ever by Spain's hostility, I refer to your consideration!

Thus a State which you can neither have peace with nor reason from,—that is the State with which you have enmity at this time, and against which you are engaged. And give me leave to say this untc you, because it is truth, and most men know it, That the Long Parlia

* Of'his ventings,' namely.

nent did endeavor, but could not obtain satisfaction ' from the Spaniard all the time they sat: for their Messenger [Poor Ascham.'] was murdered: and when they asked satisfaction for the blood of your poor people unjustly shed in the West Indies [Yes, at Tortuga, at St. Kitts; in many a place and time.'], and for the wrongs done elsewhere; when they asked liberty of conscience for your people who traded thither,— satisfaction in none of these things would be given, but was denied. I say, they denied satisfaction either for your Messenger that was murdered, or for the blood that was shed, or the damages that were done in the West Indies. No satisfaction at all; nor any reason offered why there should not be liberty ' of conscience' given to your people that traded thither. Whose trade was very considerable there, and drew many of your people thither; and begot an apprehension in us 'as to their treatment there,'—whether in you or no, let God judge between you and Himself. I judge not: but all of us know that the people who went thither to manage the trade there, were imprisoned. We desired 'but' such a liberty as ' that' they might keep their Bibles in their ^»ockets, to exercise their liberty of religion for themselves, and not be under restraint. But there is not liberty of conscience to be had 'from the Spaniard;' neither is there satisfaction for injuries, nor for blood. When these two things were desired, the Ambassador told us, " It was to ask his Master's two eyes ;"* to ask both his eyes, asking these things of him !—

Now if this be so, why, truly then here is some little foundation laid to justify the War that, has been entered uponf with the Spaniard! And not only so: but the plain truth of it is, Make any peace with any State that is Popish and subjected to the determination of Rome and ' of the Pope himself,—you are bound, and they are loose. It is the pleasure of the Pope at any time to tell you, That though the man is murdered [Poor Ascham, for example.'], yet his murderer hath got into the sanctuary! And equally true is it, and hath been found by common and constant experience, That Peace is but to be kept so long as the Pope saith Amen to it. [What is to be done with such a set of people?]—We have not 'now' to do with any Popish State except France; and it is certain that they do not think themselves under such a tie to the Pope; but think themselves at liberty to perform honesties with nations in agreement with them, and protest against the obligation of such a thing as that,—' of breaking your word at the Pope's bidding.' They are able to give us an explicit answer to anything reasonably demanded of them: and there is no

* * these two things:' Exemption to our traders from injury in the West Indies, and Liberty to have Bibles and worship :—See Thurloe (i., 760, 1); • Bryan Edwards (i., 141-3); &c.

t ' that vas had' in orig.

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