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—take heed again, I say, how you judge of His Revolutions as the product of men's inventions !—I may be thought to press too much upon this theme. But I pray God it may stick upon your hearts and mine. The worldly-minded man knows nothing of this, but is a stranger to it, and thence his atheisms, and murmurings at instruments, yea repining at God Himself. And no wonder; considering the Lord hath done such things amongst us as have not been known in the world these thousand years, and yet notwithstanding is not owned by us !—

There is another Necessity, which you have put upon us, and we have not sought. I appeal to God, Angels and Men,-if I shall 'now' raise money according to the Article in the Government whether I am not compelled to do it!' Which 'Government' had power to call you hither; and did ;—and instead of seasonably providing for the Army, you have labored to overthrow the Government, and the Army is now upon Free-quarter! And you would never so much as let me hear a tittle from you concerning it. Where is the fault? Has it not been as if you had a purpose to put this extremity upon us and the Nation? I hope, this was not in your minds. I am not willing to judge so:-but such is the state into which we are reduced. By the designs of some in the Army who are now in custody, it was designed to get as many of them as possible,-through discontent for want of money, the Army being in a barren country, near thirty weeks behind in pay, and upon other specious pretences,-to march for England out of Scotland; and, in discontent to seize their General there [General Monk], a faithful and honest man, that so another [Colonel Overton] might head the Army. And all this opportunity taken from your delays. Whether will this be a thing of feigned Necessity? What could it signify, but "The Army are in discontent already; and we will make them live upon stones; we will make them cast off their governors and discipline?" What can be said to this? I list not to unsaddle myself, and put the fault upon your backs. Whether it hath been for the good of England, whilst men have been talking of this thing or the other [Building Constitutions], and pretending liberty and many good words,—whether it has been as it should have been? I am confident you cannot think it has. The Nation will not think so. And if the worst should be made of things, I know not what the Cornish men nor the Lincolnshire men may think, or other Counties; but I believe they will all think they are not safe. A temporary suspension of "caring for the greatest liberties and privileges" (if it were so, which is denied) would not have been of such damage as the not providing against Free-quarter hath run the Nation upon. And if it be my "liberty" tc walk abroad in the fields, or to take a journey, yet it is not my wisdom to do so when my house is on fire !---

I have troubled you with a long Speech; and I believe it may not have the same resentment * with all that it hath with some. But because that is unknown to me, I shall leave it to God;-and conclude with this: That I think myself bound, as in my duty to God, and to the Peo ple of these Nations for their safety and good in every respect, I think it my duty to tell you that it is not for the profit of these Nations, not for common and public good, for you to continue here any longer. And therefore I do declare unto you, That I do dissolve tnis Parliament.†

So ends the First Protectorate Parliament; suddenly, very unsuccessfully. A most poor hidebound Pedant Parliament; which reckoned itself careful of the Liberties of England; and was careful only of the Sheepskin Formulas of these; very blind to the Realities of these! Regardless of the facts and clamorous necessities of the Present, this Parliament considered that its one duty was to tie up the hands of the Lord Protector well; to give him no supplies, no power; to make him and keep him the bound vassal and errand-man of this and succeeding Parliaments This once well done, they thought all was done ;-Oliver thought far otherwise. Their painful new-modelling and rebuilding of the Instrument of Government, with an eye to this sublime object, was pointing towards completion, little now but the keystones to be let in :—when Oliver suddenly withdrew the centres! Constitutional arch and ashlar-stones, scaffolding, workmen, mortar-troughs and scaffold-poles sink in swift confusion; and disappear, regretted or remembered by no person, not by this Editor for one.

By the arithmetical account of heads in England, the Lord Protector may surmise that he has lost his Enterprise. But by the real divine and human worth of thinking-souls in England, he still believes that he has it; by this, and by a higher mission too;—and "will take a little pleasure to lose his life" before he loses it! He is not here altogether to count heads, or to count costs, this Lord Protector; he is in the breach of battle; placed there, as he understands, by his Great Commander: whatsoever his difficulties be, he must fight them, cannot quit them; must

* Means' sense excited by it.'

Old Pamphlet: reprinted in Parliamentary History, xx.,

404-431.

fight there till he die. That is the law of his position, in the eye of God, and also of men. There is no return for him out of this Protectorship he has got into. Called to this post as I have been, placed in it as I am, " To quit it, is what I will be willing to be rolled into my grave, and buried with infamy, before 1 will consent unto !"

CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES.

PART IX.

THE MAJOR-GENERALS.

1655-1656.

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