and some evidences thereof. I resolve, not to recite the times and occasions and opportunities, which have been appointed me by God to serve Him in; nor the presence and blessings of God therein bearing testimony to me. [Well said, and well forborne to be said!]

Having had some occasions to see, together with my brethren and countrymen, a happy period put to our sharp Wars and contests with the then common Enemy, I hoped, in a private capacity, to have reaped the fruit and benefit, together with my brethren, of our hard labors and hazards the enjoyment, to wit, of Peace and Liberty, and the privileges of a Christian and a Man, in some equality with others, according as it should please the Lord to dispense unto me. And when, I say, God had put an end to our Wars, or at least brought them to a very hopeful issue, very near an end,-after Worcester Fight,-I came up to London to pay my service and duty to the Parliament which then sat; hoping that all minds would have been disposed to answer what seemed to be the mind of God, namely, To give peace and rest to His People, and especially to those who had bled more than others in the carrying on of the Military affairs, I was much disappointed of my expectation. For the issue did not prove so. [Suppressed murmurs from Bradshaw and Company.] Whatever may be boasted or misrepresented, it was not so, not so!

I can say, in the simplicity of my soul, I love not, I love not,—I declined it in my former Speech,*-I say, I love not to rake into sores, or to discover nakednesses! The thing I drive at is this: I say to you, I hoped to have had leave, 'for my own part,' to retire to a private life. I begged to be dismissed of my charge; I begged it again and again ;— and God be Judge between me and all men if I lie in this matter! [Groans from Dryasdust, scarcely audible, in the deep silence.] That I lie not in matter of act, is known to very many [" Hum-m-m!" Look of "Yea!" from the Military Party.]: but whether I tell a lie in my heart, as laboring to represent to you what was not upon my heart, I say the Lord be Judge.† Let uncharitable men, who measure others by themselves, judge as they please. As to the matter of fact, I say, It is true. As to the ingenuity and integrity of my heart in that desire, —I do appeal as before upon that also!- -But I could not obtain "what I desired," what my soul longed for. And the plain truth is, I did afterwards apprehend some were of opinion (such the difference of their judgment from mine), That it could not well be.‡

Speech I., p. 38. † He: Believe you about that as you see good That I could not be spared from my post

I confess I am in some strait to say what I could say, and what is true, of what then followed. I pressed the Parliament, as a Member, To period themselves; once and again, and again, and ten, nay twenty times over. I told them, for I knew it better than any one man in the Parliament could know it; because of my manner of life, which had led me everywhere up and down the Nation,* thereby giving me to see and know the temper and spirits of all men, and of the best of men,—. that the Nation loathed their sitting. [Haselrig, Scott and others looking very grim.] I knew it. And, so far as I could discern, when they were dissolved, there was not so much as the barking of a dog, or any general and visible repining at it! [How astonishing there should not have been!] You are not a few here present who can assert this as well as myself.

And that there was high cause for their dissolution, is most evident: not only in regard there was a just fear of that Parliament's perpetuating themselves, but because it 'actually' was their design. 'Yes;' had not their heels been trod upon by importunities from abroad, even to threats, I believe there never would have been 'any' thoughts of rising, or of going out of that Room, to the world's end. I myself was sounded, and, by no mean persons [O Sir Harry Vane !], tempted; and proposals were made me to that very end: That the Parliament might be thus perpetuated; that the vacant places might be supplied by new elections; -and so continue from generation to generation.

I have declined, I have declined very much, to open these things to you. [What noble man would not, your Highness?] But, having proceeded thus far, I must tell you 'this also:' That poor men, under this arbitrary power, were driven, like flocks of sheep, by forty in a morning; to the confiscation of goods and estates; without any man being able to give a reason why two of them had deserved to forfeit a shilling! I tell you the truth. And my soul, and many persons, whom I see in this place, were exceedingly grieved at these things; and knew not which way to help them, except by our mournings, and giving our negatives when occasion served.—I have given you but a taste of miscarriages 'that then were.' I am confident you have had opportunities to hear much more of them; for nothing was more obvious. It's true this will be said, That there was a remedy endeavored: To put an end to this Perpetual Parliament, by giving us a future Representative. How that was gotten, by what importunities that was obtained, and how unwillingly yielded unto, is well known.

'But' what was this remedy? It was a seeming willingness to give us Successive Parliaments. And what was the nature of' that Succession? It was, That when one Parliament had left its seat, another was to sit down immediately in the room thereof, without any caution to avoid what was the real danger, namely, Perpetuating of the same men in ' Parliaments. Which is a sore, now, that will ever be running, so long as men are ambitious and troublesome,—if a remedy be not found.

Nay, at best what will such a remedy amount to? It is a conversion of a Parliament that would have been and was Perpetual, to a Legisla tive Power Always Sitting! [Which, however, consists of different men, your Highness!] And so the liberties and interests and lives of people not judged by any certain known Laws and Power, but by an arbitrary Power; which is incident and necessary to Parliaments [So!]. By an arbitrary Power, I say:* to make men's estates liable to confiscation, and their persons to imprisonment,-sometimes even' by laws made after the fact committed; often by the Parliament's assuming to itself to give judgment both in capital and criminal things, which in former times was not known to exercise such a judicature.† This, I suppose was the case 'then before us.' And, in my opinion, the remedy was fitted to the disease! Especially coming in the rear of a Parliament which had so exercised its power and authority as that Parliament had done but immediately before.

Truly I confess,-upon these grounds, and with the satisfaction of divers other persons who saw nothing could be had otherwise, that Parliament was dissolved [Not a doubt of it!] : and we, desiring to see if a few might have been called together for some short time who might put the Nation into some way of certain settlement,-did call those Gen

* Such as the Long Parliament did continually exert.

† Intricate paragraphs, this and the foregoing; treating of a subject complex in itself, and very delicate to handle before such an audience. His Highness's logic perhaps hobbles somewhat: but this strain of argument, which to us has fallen so dim and obsolete, was very familiar to the audience he was now addressing,-the staple indeed of what their debates for the last three days had been (Burton, i., Introd, pp. 25-33; Whitlocke, p. 587, &c.). Perpetuating of the same men in Parliament:' that clearly is intolerable, says the first Paragraph. But not only so, says the second Paragraph, a Legislative Assembly always sitting,' though it consist of new men, is likewise intolerable: any Parliament, as the Long Parliament has too fatally taught us, if left to itself, is, by its nature, arbitrary, of unlimited power, liable to grow tyrannous;-ought therefore only to sit at due interva's, and to have other Powers (Protectorate, for example) ready to check it on occasion. All this the ancient audience understands very well; and the modern needs only to understand that they understood it

tlemen The Little Parliament; we remember them!] out of the several Darts of the Nation. And as I have appealed to God before you already,* though it be a tender thing to make appeals to God, yet in such exigencies as these I trust it will not offend His Majesty; especially to make them before Persons that know God, and know what conscience is, and what it is to "lie before the Lord!" I say, As a principal end in calling that Assembly was the settlement of the Nation, so a chief end to myself was to lay down the Power which was in my hands. [Hum-m-m!] I say to you again, in the Presence of that God who hath blessed, and been with me in all my adversities and successes: That was, as to myself, my greatest end! [Your Highness-?—And "God" with you ancients is not a fabulous polite Hearsay, but a tremendous all-irradiating Fact of Facts, not to be "lied before" without consequences?] A desire perhaps, I am afraid, sinful enough, To be quit of the Power God had most clearly by His Providence † put into my hands, before He called me to lay it down; before those honest ends of our fighting were attained and settled.—I say, the Authority I had in my hand being so boundless as it was,-for, by Act of Parliament, I was General of all the Forces in the three Nations of England, Scotland and Ireland; in which unlimited condition I did not desire to live a day,—we called that Meeting, for the ends before expressed.

What the event and issue of that Meeting was, we may sadly remember. It hath much teaching in it,‡ and I hope will make us all wiser for the future! But, in short,' that Meeting not succeeding, as I already said unto you, and giving such a disappointment to our hopes, I shall not now make any repetition thereof: only the result was, That they came and brought to me a Parchment, signed by very much the major part of them; expressing their re-delivery and resignation of the power and authority that had been committed them back again into my hands. And I can say it, in the presence of divers persons here, who do know whether I lie in that [Hum-m-m!], That I did not know one tittle of that Resignation of theirs,' till they all came and brought it, and delivered it into my hands. Of this also there are in this presence many witnesses. [Yes, many are convinced of it,—some not.] I received this Resignation; having formerly used my endeavors and persuasions to keep them together. Observing their differences, I had thought it my

'I know, and I hope I may say it,' follows in orig,-deleted here, for light's sake, though characteristic.

Most providentially' in orig. : has not the modern meaning; meani only as in the Text.

Warning us not to quarrel, and get into insoluble theories, as they did

duty to give advice to them, that so I might prevail with them for union. But it had the effect I told you; and I had my disappointment.

When this proved so, we were exceedingly to seek how to settle things for the future. My 'own' Power was again, by this resignation, 'become as boundless and unlimited as before; all things being subjected to arbitrariness; and myself, 'the only constituted authority that was left,' a person having power over the three Nations, without bound or limit set;—and all Government, upon the matter, being dissolved; all civil administration at an end*—as will presently appear. ["A grave situation: but who brought us to it?" murmur my Lord Bradshaw and others.]

The Gentlemen that undertook to frame this Government† did consult divers days together (men of known integrity and ability), How to frame somewhat that might give us settlement. They did consult ;— and that I was not privy to their councils they know it. [Alas !]—When they had finished their model in some measure, or made a good preparation of it, they became communicative. [Hum-m-m!] They told me that except I would undertake the Government, they thought things would hardly come to a composure or settlement, but blood and confusion would break in upon us. [A plain truth they told.] I refused it again and again; not complimentingly,--as they know, and as God knows! I confess, after many arguments, they urging on me, "That I did not hereby receive anything which put me into a higher capacity than before; but that it limited me; that it bound my hands to act nothing without the consent of a Council, until the Parliament, and then limited 'me' by the Parliament, as the Act of Government expresseth,"-I did accept it. I might repeat again to you, if it were needful, but I think it nardly is: I was arbitrary in power; having the Armies in the three Nations under my command;-and truly not very ill beloved by them, nor very ill beloved by the People. By the good People. And I believe I should have been more beloved if they had known the truth, as things were, before God and in themselves, and also before divers of those Gentlemen whom I but now mentioned unto you. [His Highness is rallying: getting out of the Unutterable into the Utterable!] I did, at the entreaty of divers Persons of Honor and Quality, at the entreaty of very many of the chief Officers of the Army then present,' at their entreaty' and at their request, I did accept of the place and title of PROTECTOR: and was, in the presence of the Commissioners of the Great Seal, the Judges, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, the Soldiery, divers Gentlemen, Citizens, and divers other people and persons * Civil Office-bearers feeling their commission to be ended. + Plan or Model of Government.