such, that they could never be recovered by their masters, but that they become weary of living in this wandering way of life, and return home; or, as more frequently happens, seek an intercourse with the negroes on some distant plantation, by whom in the end they are apprehended and carried to the nearest workhouse. It is with such characters that the workhouses are filled,-criminal slaves, or such as have fled to escape the punishment of some crime they have committed, and are apprehended as run-aways where they are unknown; and the more numerous class of idle vagrants, who, with no disposition to work or to support themselves by their own labour, prey on the industry of others, like the vagrant paupers of England-with this difference, that the former support themselves wholly by plunder, while the latter, under a stricter police, and where provisions are not so easily got at, must generally be satisfied with what is given them.

Now here is an evil, not of a temporary nature, but which will last, in a greater or less degree, until not only crimes, but all the minor vices of indolence, drunkenness, &c., shall cease among mankind. When that happy era shall arrive, then, indeed, Mr. Stephen's theory may be safely applied to practice; no workhouses will be required in Jamaica, nor houses of correction in England; and there will be no sales of workhouse-slaves. But what is to be done in the meantime? What other system of police for a society so constituted

can he, or any of his friends, suggest, that will better preserve the peace of the country, better support the just rights of property, or more effectually promote the best interests of the community?

Suppose a slave of the above description deserts his master, and proceeds to a district a hundred or even fifty miles distant, where, assuming a new name, he pretends to be free, it is evident there is nothing but the laws in question to prevent him from carrying his point: if apprehended, the chances are, that neither the superintendent of the workhouse, nor any person in it, can detect the falsehood from a personal knowledge of him; nor is there any greater probability that the distant master can, from the false name given in the advertisement, discover his slave and claim him. Be it also remembered, that in this way not only fugitive slaves, or vagrants, but criminals who had fled to escape the punishment of the worst crimes, would effect their freedom, while the faithful servant would remain in bondage. Whether this is Mr. Stephen's object, whether he wishes to give encouragement and protection to vice and crime, or if he errs through ignorance, it is the same thing to the colonists, to whom the result of his laws, however intended, would be destruction. It may, perhaps, be a question, whether slavery should be suffered to exist in the colonies, or put an end to at once by giving a fair compensation to the colonists; but surely no one will say

that this is the way in which we ought to get quit of it. While the system exists, the law, if its object is to protect property, must surely be framed to keep as slaves those who are slaves, till legitimately freed. That it docs more, is not proved, nor attempted to be proved. It is indeed alleged, that there is abundant reason to believe' it does more; but where this abundant reason to believe is to be found, we are not told; and if the evil did exist, it certainly is not a little extraordinary that it never should have been complained of by the free people of colour themselves.

In a society so constituted, it is manifest the law must necessarily take cognizance, not only of all known run-away slaves, or such vagrants as acknowledge themselves to be slaves, but also of all suspicious-looking unknown negroes who cannot give an account of themselves. And to say that such ought not to be sold, is, in other words, to say, that a slave should only have to run away from his master, and be free; which, though some in England might think it highly proper (their own interest not being concerned,) cannot well be the law in Jamaica, or in any other country where slavery is established.

'A considerable number of the negroes advertised,' says Mr. S., will be found to have no known masters, and to allege that they are free persons; and yet the advertisements state that they are to be sold at an early period, unless claimed by an owner, or proved by sufficient evidence to be free.' p. 369.

To have no known master, and to be free, are

pretences occasionally set up by the more artful; but any one who will take the trouble to look at the lists published, will see that but a very inconsiderable number of the negroes advertised ever pretend to be free. The early period' at which they may be sold is four months from the date of their committal.

Now as to the difficulty of producing evidence of freedom. In the first place, all manumission deeds are recorded, and the person manumised has a certificate of it, or can procure one from the record at any time when wanted. Secondly, every one born free is baptized, and has his or her name recorded as a free person in the parochial registers; consequently, in either case, there can be no difficulty in procuring even documentary 'evidence' of freedom, if such were necessary, which in practice it is not; for to shew by reference to any respectable person that he has been known as but reputedly free, is always sufficient to save a negro from being committed to a workhouse as a slave, or to liberate him from it if he has been committed. If, therefore, any free negro or mulatto, going to a part of the country where he is unknown, should, by any improper conduct, bring suspicion on himself, and be apprehended, and committed to a gaol or workhouse, and if he has no testimonial of his freedom to exhibit, can there be any difficulty in procuring, within four months, a certificate of his freedom from the Record Office or the parochial register,

or the testimony or letter of some respectable person, stating that he has known him as reputedly free?

In these circumstances where is the danger, or indeed the possibility, of a free person being reduced to slavery? and let Mr. Stephen explain what benefit would result to the white people from it, as I cannot conceive any possible motive or inducement. The price received for workhouseslaves goes to the public, not to any individual; moreover, they are such characters as no respectable planter will introduce among his people, and seldom sell for more than pays their fees.

As to free negroes coming from other states to settle in Jamaica, is it to be supposed that they will not, in removing from one island to another, use the very simple precaution of carrying with them documents which they know to be every where necessary in the colonies? And even if a free negro comes to Jamaica ignorant of this law, he learns it on his arrival, and is under no necessity to remain; though the truth is, he would run no risk; as a decent person of any colour, earning his bread in an honest way, is no more molested in Jamaica than in England.

The question then comes to be, since such laws are necessary to protect property and keep as slaves those who are slaves till lawfully freed, whether these laws are so guarded that free persons are not endangered by them? For my own part, I think it is hardly possible to guard against