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Branding of

Slaves.

to slavery, but even to crime itself, from the punishment of which it would seem that negroes ought alone in the world to be exempted.

The next charge is the practice which once existed of marking newly-imported Africans, of course now obsolete, but not likely to be soon obsolete as a weapon against the colonists.Among all the various means made use of to prejudice the minds of the British public against their countrymen in the colonies, perhaps there is none where misrepresentation has been carried farther than with regard to this practice. Granting that it had its origin in self-interest, humanity was also promoted by it; a newly-imported Afriean occasionally wandered away and lost himself, or was seduced away by others; and when taken up and committed, as frequently happened, to some distant workhouse, being of course unable to speak English, he could give no account of himself by which it was possible for his master to identify him in a public advertisement; and the consequence was, not only his loss to the owner, but, which was more important to humanity, it separated him for ever from his shipmates and friends, and from a permanent and comfortable home on a plantation, and placed him in the possession of one of those low characters who are most commonly the purchasers of workhouse slaves.

Such is the origin of a practice which has been

represented as a flagrant outrage of humanity. The manner of affixing the mark was simply this: the place chosen (generally the back of the shoulder) was touched with olive oil; the initial letters, formed of silver upon a plate about the size of the head of a silver pencil or small scal, were then heated with spirits of wine, and the slightest possible touch of these upon the oil left the form of the letters without injuring the skin. All was the work of a moment, and produced no more pain than the prick of a pin or the bite of a leech. Yet this has been called branding the slaves with red-hot irons, like cattle! Nor has the charge been limited to the fact, that newly-imported Africans only were thus marked; it has been obstinately maintained in the face of truth that the practice is universal.

The native, or creole negroes of Jamaica aré not, and never were marked, with the exception of such incorrigible wandering vagrants as it is impossible to keep at home. The number of these is small; but I admit that I consider it a defect in the laws, which I hope will be soon remedied, that even the marking of these should now be permitted unless by order of a court. Arguing from the workhouse lists, we see it stoutly maintained in the English prints, that branding with a redhot iron' is customary, nay universal; and if the slaves in workhouses were a fair criterion, the inference no doubt would be, that the majority are marked; but to form a conclusion concerning the

whole negro population from those in the workhouses, is just as absurd as it would be to judge of the people of England from those in the houses of correction.

There is another view Mr. Stephen takes of the now obsolete practice of marking Africans: The ' reproach of it,' says he, consists not so much in the pain of branding, which, though not inconsiderable, may be brief, as in the coarse and 'contemptuous affront thus offered to the sacred human form, by stamping upon it an unsightly ' and indelible record of a degraded and igno'minious condition.' p. 349.

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On this it is only necessary to observe, that it was done under no imputation of crime, and therefore attached no disgrace. The sacred form' of the African had already been degraded by such an unsightly and indelible record of his savage condition, that it would require no small stretch of credulity to believe that he could feel particularly tender of this very slight additional mark on his already tattooed skin. In truth he had no such feelings. The case is now altered: bad characters only are marked; and it is consequently felt as a degradation.

In some notes to this section, Mr. Stephen censures the Jamaica Assembly for fallaciously holding out the treatment of the ergastuli (or workhouse-slaves) as a picture of Roman slavery in 'general;' and with admirable consistency, in the very next page, holds out the treatment of the

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workhouse-slaves in Jamaica as a picture of West India slavery in general. pp. 348, 349.

SECT. IV.-Sources of private Slavery, properly so called.' Sources of Slap. 358.

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In this section, our author presumes that the Polish peasant may now leave the estate, though born in servitude upon it: lays it down as certain that the slavery which formerly existed in England 'had but ONE source, the immemorial servile 'condition of all the paternal ancestors;' yet forthwith speaks of another source, the villein's 'confession in a court of record.' Next comes "the mild species of slavery' which exists in Hindostan, and has fifteen different sources; then the slavery of the African hordes very learnedly treated; Mr. Park accused of inaccuracy; and cases stated, in which 'it is very doubtful whether the law of Africa is not misconceived and abused.' Very likely; and we shall not waste the reader's time with a discussion of presumptions, surmises, and conjectures.

The importance of having a registry of slaves established in the colonies by act of parliament, is next enlarged on; and those acts which the Assemblies have passed for the purpose, are represented as ineffectual.

The object contemplated by registration was to put an end to the illegal importation of Africans, with which, among the many false accusations brought against them, the colonists were charged;

very, and illegal importation of Slaves.

and the legislature of Jamaica, contrary to its own better judgment, was prevailed upon, at the earnest desire of government and the friends of the colony in England, and under a promise of no further interference, to pass a law for having the slaves registered every third year. This law costs the island, triennially, the sum of 10,000l., besides a great deal of trouble, especially to the coloured class. They have first to go to the Re gistry Office (often at a considerable distance) to procure a printed form; then to some white person to fill it up for them; then to a magistrate to swear to it; and, lastly, they must carry it back to the Parish Registry Office to be recorded: and if there happens to be any informality, as is not uncommon, all this is to do over again. And for what purpose was all this expense and trouble incurred? To abolish an evil which had no existence! Scarcely ten years have elapsed since the indignation of the country was loud and vehement against the colonies for this alleged violation of the abolition-law. Now we do not hear a word on the subject; the falsehood of the charge has become so notorious, that even the Edinburgh Review has, in a late Number, been obliged to confess it.* Let it be hoped that time will dispel many of the other prejudices

* Who doubts the activity of individuals in this country, were the constituted authorities to slumber? Yet what instances of slave-trading have been brought to light? One outlawry and two convictions, we believe, are all that have been tried in England since the traffic was made a felony; and no one has ever pretended that the act of 1811 is evaded. No. 81, p. 201.

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