treason, the King might appoint him keepers to look to him in sanctuary.1

The King also, for the better securing of his estate against mutinous and malcontented subjects (whereof he saw the realm was full) who might have their refuge into Scotland (which was not under key as the ports were), for that cause rather than for any doubt of hostility from those parts, before his coming to London, when he was at Newcastle, had sent a solemn ambassage unto James the Third, King of Scotland, to treat and conclude a peace with him. The ambassadors were, Richard Foxe Bishop of Exeter, and Sir Richard Edgcombe comptroller of the King's house, who were honourably received and entertained there. But the King of Scotland labouring of the same disease that King Henry did (though more mortal as after-. wards appeared), that is, discontented subjects apt to rise and raise tumult, although in his own affection he did much desire to make a peace with the King, yet finding his nobles averse and not daring to displease them, concluded only a truce for seven years; giv

11. e. keepers within the sanctuary. Custodes ei intra asylum apponere qui ejus dicta et facta observarent.

2 This is Polydore Vergil's statement, who seems to have known nothing of the real subject of this treaty. It appears from Rymer that a truce between England and Scotland for three years, counting from the 3rd of July, 1486, had been negotiated during the King's first progress into the northern counties in the spring of that year, when he was engaged in subduing Lord Lovel's rebellion; which truce was still in force. On the 7th of November, 1487, which was a few days after the King's return to London from his second progress into those counties, commissioners were appointed to treat of certain intermarriages between the two royal families; it being proposed that the Scotch King should marry Elizabeth, Edward the Fourth's widow; and that the Duke of Rothsay should marry one of her daughters, and the Marquis of Ormond another. By these commissioners a treaty was shortly concluded, by which it was agreed in the first place that the existing truce should be continued to the 1st of September, 1489

ing nevertheless promise in private, that it should be renewed from time to time during the two Kings' lives.

Hitherto the King had been exercised in settling his affairs at home. But about this time brake forth an occasion that drew him to look abroad and to hearken to foreign business. Charles the Eighth, the French King, by the virtue and good fortune of his two immediate predecessors, Charles the Seventh his grandfather and Lewis the Eleventh his father, received the kingdom of France in more flourishing and spread estate than it had been of many years before; being redintegrate in those principal members which anciently had been portions of the crown of France, and were after dissevered, so as they remained only in homage and not in sovereignty, being governed by absolute princes2 of their own; Anjou, Normandy, Provence, and Burgundy. There remained only Brittaine to be re-united, and so the monarchy of France to be reduced to the ancient terms and bounds.

and in the next place, that, in order to settle the articles and conditions of these marriages, commissioners on both sides should meet at Edinburgh on the 24th of the following January, and another assembly be held on the same subject in May. So much was concluded on the 28th of November, 1487. The negotiation was afterwards broken off (according to Tytler, who quotes Rotul. Scot. vol. ii. p. 483.) upon the question of the surrender of Berwick; upon which James insisted, and to which Henry would not consent. See Tytler's Hist. of Scot. vol. iv. p. 305.

1 Opibus florentius et ipso territorio amplius.

2 This is explained (or corrected) in the Latin translation to mean princes governing in their own right: cum a principibus propriis jure tanquam regio administrarentur.

I have retained the spelling of the MS. In the edition of 1622 it is spelt Britaine. In modern histories it is always spelt either Bretagne or Brittany.

VOL. IL

King Charles was not a little inflamed with an ambition to re-purchase and re-annex that duchy; which his ambition was a wise and well-weighed ambition; not like unto the ambitions of his succeeding enterprises of Italy. For at that time, being newly come to the crown, he was somewhat guided by his father's counsels; (counsels not counsellors, for his father was his own counsel, and had few able men about him ;) and that King (he knew well) had ever distasted the designs of Italy, and in particular had an eye upon Brittaine. There were many circumstances that did feed the ambition of Charles with pregnant and apparent hopes of success. The Duke of Brittaine old, and entered into a lethargy, and served with mercenary counsellors, father of two only daughters, the one sickly and not like to continue. King Charles himself in the flower of his age,2 and the subjects of France at that time 3 well trained for war, both for leaders and soldiers (men of service being not yet worn out since the wars of Lewis against Burgundy). He found himself also in peace with all his neighbour princes. As for those that might oppose to his enterprise; Maximilian King of Romans, his rival in the same desires (as well for the duchy as the daughter), feeble in means; and King Henry of England as well

1 The difference is perhaps best explained by supposing that the latter ambitions were his own, while these were his sister's, the princess Anne, Duchess of Bourbon; under whose guardianship Charles, who was only fourteen when he came to the throne in 1483, had been placed by his father; and by whom modern historians suppose him to have been entirely guided during all the early stages of this business.

2 Rather in the blossom than the flower. In the summer of 1487 he was still only eighteen.

3 Pro ratione ejus temporis in the translation: which would mean "for that time."

somewhat obnoxious to him for his favours and benefits, as busied in his particular troubles at home. There was also a fair and specious occasion offered him to hide his ambition and to justify his warring upon Brittaine; for that the Duke had received and succoured Lewis Duke of Orleans and others of the French nobility, which had taken arms against their King. Wherefore King Charles, being resolved upon that war, knew well he could not receive any opposition so potent as if King Henry should either upon policy of state in preventing the growing greatness of France, or upon gratitude unto the Duke of Brittaine for his former favours in the time of his distress,3 espouse that quarrel and declare himself in aid of the Duke.4 Therefore he no sooner heard that King Henry was settled by his victory, but forthwith he sent ambassadors unto him to pray his assistance, or at least that he would stand neutral. Which ambassadors found the King at Leicester, and delivered their ambassage to this effect: They first imparted unto the King the success that their master had had a little before against Maximilian in recovery of certain

5

1 Sibi non nihil devinctum. For this word "obnoxious," now no lor.ger used in this sense, though always so used by Bacon, it is not easy to find an exact equivalent. It means rather more than "obliged,” and not quite so much as "dependent." When one man stands in such a relation to another that he is not free to act as he otherwise would, Bacon would have said that he is obnoxious to him.

2 Belli ansam adversus Britanniam porrigeret.

8 Quod ipse Duci etiam Britanniæ non minus quam sibi ob ejus in rebus ruis adversis merita obstrictus fuisset.

4 The last clause is omitted in the translation.

5 In the summer of 1487; probably in September; certainly not later, for the King was at Warwick in September. See note 1, p. 94. The Latin *ranslation has Lancastriam, probably a mistake. Polydore Vergil, whose narrative is followed by all the old historians, has ad Lecestriam.

towns from him; which was done in a kind of privacy and inwardness towards the King; as if the French King did not esteem him for an outward or formal confederate, but as one that had part in his affections and fortunes, and with whom he took pleasure to communicate his business. After this compliment and some gratulation for the King's victory, they fell to their errand: declaring to the King, that their master was enforced to enter into a just and necessary war with the Duke of Brittaine, for that he had received and succoured those that were traitors and declared enemies unto his person and state: That they were no mean distressed and calamitous persons that fled to him for refuge, but of so great quality, as it was apparent that they came not thither to protect their own fortune, but to infest and invade his; the head of them being the Duke of Orleans, the first Prince of the blood and the second person of France: That therefore rightly to understand it, it was rather on their master's part a defensive war than an offensive, as that that could not be omitted or forborne if he tendered the conservation of his own estate; and that it was not the first blow that made the war invasive (for that no wise Prince would stay for), but the first provocation, or at least the first preparation; nay that this war was rather a suppression of rebels than a war with a just enemy; where the case is, that his subjects traitors are received by the Duke of Brittaine his

2

1 In oppidis quibusdam quæ invaserat Maximilianus recipiendis. He had retaken St. Omers on the 27th of May, and Therouane on the 26th of July. ¡Sism. xv. p. 99.)

2 In the edition of 1622 these words are printed thus: "his subjects, traitors, are received," &c. In the MS. there is no comma before or after traitors. And this I believe expresses the intended construction better.