my constituents, and in consequence of a promise which I made to them. I have not ventured to take it up till I had ascertained that His Majesty's ministers had no such intention, and till all hope had ceased of any gentleman, more competent to the task, engaging in it.

In the north-western counties, and particularly in the neighbourhood of Carlisle, great inconvenience is sustained from the influx of Irish and Scotch in search of employment: failing in this, they become a charge to the rates, and after forty day's residence are not removable. Two several bills were introduced into this House for relieving the northern part of the kingdom from the burden of these settlers. It was imputed to me, that I was instrumental in defeating these two bills, and I do admit that, great as were the evils which they were intended to cure, they appeared to me measures so unjust and oppressive, as not to deserve the countenance of Parliament. To procure the relief which the case required, a material change in the law of settlements must have been effected; and the difficulties attending this were not much less than those which a review of the whole system imposes.

It is undoubtedly desirable, that all measures of this importance should originate under the sanction of government their channels of information are so much more numerous and accurate, and the support which they are ena bled to give to measures, which must be attended with numerous obstacles, is much more likely to overcome them. Still I am bound, in justice, to return the noble lord my thanks for the ready support which he has been disposed to give, in order to bring before the House the plan which I mean to propose. The subject is one, undoubtedly, unconnected with all party feelings, and requires the aid and sup

Power was given to overseers to remove any native of Scotland or Ireland who might appear to them likely to become chargeable.

port of the abilities on all sides the House, which it shall be my object to obtain. The call, on the part of the country, on this House, to go into an inquiry on the poor laws, has been general: I trust therefore, however unequal to the task, that I shall meet with indulgence proportioned to its difficulties. With the aid of a committee composed of ger.tlemen most conversant with the subject, a bill may, I flatter myself, be formed, which may afford a remedy for the existing evils.

In this late period of the sessions, it is true, much progress cannot be expected to be made. Personal considerations would have led me to postpone the measure, in order to have employed the interval in seeking more information: desirous, however, of complying with the earnestly expressed wish of many respected individuals, and entertaining the hope, that the plan when made public may excite the attention of others, so as to aid the labours of the committee in the next sessions, I have determined now to propose it.

I shall first shortly advert to the plans of those who have preceded me. Mr. Gilbert and Mr. East had each bestowed much time and attention on the subject: on their sug gestions some important alterations have been made. The merit of these I propose not to question :-the radical defects of the system were not to be cured by palliatives, however wisely imagined; and, in fact, the evils resulting from the poor laws have since rapidly augmented.

Mr. Pitt's splendid talents will not be questioned by those most adverse to his political conduct. The magnitude of the evils just alluded to induced him to undertake the application of a remedy, but his bill did not, I believe, even travel into a committee, and he himself was convinced of its inadequacy. More recently, a gentleman eminently qualified from his knowledge of the subject, and whose great abilities and indefatigable attention pointed him out above all others as the fittest person for this undertaking, was not more successful. The able and eloquent speech of Mr. Whit

bread on the occasion will be a lasting monument to his memory, equally creditable to his head and heart; valuable also, as it affords convincing evidence that he viewed the source of the evil in the poor laws themselves. The remedies proposed by him were the extension of education to the poor, and a national saving bank. The views of Sir William Pulteney, which Mr. Malthus seems also to have. adopted, were to fix the amount of the sum raised in each parish, and to take off annually a certain proportion, till the whole was annihilated, and thus to let the poor laws expire. The plans proposed by Mr. Gilbert, Mr. East, and Mr. Pitt were designed to regulate indeed, but to maintain, the present system; those of Sir William Pulteney, Mr. Whitbread, and Mr. Malthus aimed at its abolition. With the latter gentleman I perfectly agree, thinking that nothing less than a total change of system can cure the evil. The abuse of the poor laws has transferred from the individual to the public, not merely the charge of providing for the casualties and misfortunes incident to humanity, but for the direct con*sequences of men's vice and folly. Economy and forethought are banished; improvidence and immorality encouraged. To restore the respectability and the happiness of the inferior classes, they must be brought back to those manners from which they have swerved. Their general good sense I think as highly of as any man, but, misled as they have been by depending on parochial relief, an immediate and complete reformation is not to be expected. From the debasement which has arisen out of that system, gradually operating for two centuries, half that period may perhaps be necessary before the stain can be removed, -until this can be effected I would by no means recommend any other than a gradual change in the system. In place of the present I shall recommend another from the adoption of which the same mischievous effects may be hoped not to result.

The present fabric is too massy to be at once removed, but it may be by degrees undermined, and another substituted.

The statute of the 43d Elizabeth has, whether intended or not, given to every poor man now in existence a perfect right of maintenance. This right I admit to its utmost extent: to innovate on it, I also admit, the fullest proof must be adduced, that the change is for the poor man's own benefit, Conscientiously satisfied that such ample proof can be offered before a committee, the first step I apprehend will be its appointment. Evidence may there be adduced, that the effect of the present system is to degrade the poor man as well in his own estimation as in that of the persons on whom the charge of maintaining him is devolved, that his happiness is at an end-his existence embittered. The relief bestowed on him may remove indeed the cravings of hunger, but it is at the expense of all the best feelings of his nature. To restore independence of mind to the labouring classes is an indispensable ingredient in every plan for bettering their situation. Need there be any other proof requisite of this than the superiority of our people, on the whole, over every⚫ other nation? Whence does this arise Is it not among the blessed fruits of our free constitution, inspiring independence of mind and action, giving consequence in his own eyes to every member of the community? Hence has arisen the glory, the pre-eminence of England. Extinguish the vital spark of liberty, destroy the political character of the people, and we shall soon sink to a level with countries groaning under despotism! Is it then consistent either with sound policy, or with humanity, that three millions of people, or nearly a third of our population, should be suffered to remain in the degraded state of pauperism? The loss of public estimation takes away a principal incentive to right action, and lessens the influence of moral principle, which places the reward of merit in the esteem of the virtuous.

On this ground, beyond all others, does this measure press itself on the consideration of the House.

The sums now collected for the poor are an intolerable burden the industrious, who are now compelled to contribute to the support of the idle and the profligate, though their utmost exertions are hardly adequate to procure support to their own families, are daily depressed into the class of paupers. It will not be questioned by those who have paid attention to the past and present state of the poor, that their moral condition has undergone a most unfavorable change, and particularly within the last fifty years, during which period the sum collected for their maintenance has quadrupled. The increased wealth of the nation, advancing their wages, has at the same time lessened their happiness. By destroying the principle of economy their wants have augmented beyond their earnings. The present moment has acquired undue preference, as compared with the future. Much is this change to be lamented, as it operates on their moral and philosophical happiness. Moral happiness dwells in the mind: philosophical happiness consists in wanting little in contradiction to it, worldly or vulgar happiness is to want and enjoy much. Thus it will be invariably found, that where the earnings are greatest the forethought is least. I have had an opportunity of being convinced, thoroughly, of this fact, from the circumstance of employing two distinct classes of persons; one, miners, whose earnings are from 20s. to 30s. a week; the other, agricultural labourers, whose wages vary from 10s. to 15s. Whilst those with the larger wages are perpetually contracting debts with all those with whom they deal, the others pay their way, and have the appearance, at the same time, of possessing more comforts. The want of economy is the source of misery: the poor rates, which have this direct tendency, have therefore had the effect, I humbly conceive, to destroy the happiness of the poor, at the same time that they waste the wealth of the public.