ing to ideas thrown out by Lord Auckland. Lord Palmerston when at the moment he received from Nesselrode a complete disclaimer of Russian interference in Central Asia, had in his possession the instructions with which Vilkievich went to Affghanistan. To maintain a good understanding with the Court of St. Petersburg, the British Government consented to overlook this discrepancy, and, bartering lie for lie, cemented the bond of union by disowning the proceedings and blackening the character of its own subordinate agents. As diplomatists, the Russian and the English Minister rivalled each other; but the conduct of both may be best estimated, according to the law of honour and morality, by the act of him who was less scrupulous, only because he was more powerful." .. For two days, namely Saturday and Monday last, we have not pursued the monstrosities in the Times, but we note the fact of its perseverance-the filling up the interval of time before the arrival of the answer from St. Petersburg-the turning of that time to profit for the perversion of public judgment. Those articles otherwise present nothing new. After bamboozling by contradiction, it now tries to nauseate by repetition. However, there is one novelty-the dignified resistance of the Divan is represented as a Russian intrigue." The English Government, at the moment we write, still avowedly stands opposed to the Russian. The Times is at once the advocate of both-supporting the English Government, as opposed to Russia-supporting it in its concurrence with Russia. Again, it denounces a modified endeavour of the Turkish Government to effect what the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the English Cabinet has declared to be absolutely requisite for any settlement, as a "Russian intrigue." Consequently, Lord Clarendon must be in its eyes a Russian agent, and the majority who have adopted a course exactly opposed to his declaration must be its English members. Who, then, is "Russian," and who is " English? The organ of Lord Palmerston calls the Times "Russian," for urging the submission of Turkey. The Times calls the resistance of Turkey 'Russian." "Venal city!" exclaimed Jugurtha, "if only the purchaser could be found." England has found her purchaser, and with her own coin; she has found the worst of conquerors by having "made a shameful conquest of herself." 179 THE POCKET CRISIS. The Emperor rejects; and the Sulina dredging-machine is at work. Such are the new features supplied by telegraph and steam to the audience of the mighty West. But yet, a delightful haze of uncertainty envelopes the facts, and we are left to our old ruminations on the character of a 66 great gentlemen," and the qualities of a sorry machine. Let us begin with the latter. We will take our intelligence from an unquestionable source, no other than the Times itself: "The accounts from the Sulina are as sad as ever. Vast quantities of corn are lying prepared for exportation; but the bar is, as before, almost impassable. A Galatz letter speaks of the losses incurred by the commercial firms and shipowners as incalculable.' The captains of the vessels detained first presented a memorial to the Russian Consul, and then entered a protest against the inactivity of the Russian Government. On the 22d of August the dredgingmachine began to work; but in the course of a week or two we shall certainly hear, that, owing to bad weather, it has been obliged to suspend its operations. One is at a loss which most to admire, the indifference of Russia to the remonstrances of the Powers, or their forbearance." The " indifference of Russia," and the "forbearance of Europe" are not antithetical terms, but, on the contrary, very closely allied,—the expansion of the one is the limit of the other. "Is it supposed," said the Thunderer of the Brazen Badge, on the 11th of last month, "that because Admiral Dundas has not passed the Dardanelles, or Admiral Corry the Sound, the Russian Government is the less unconscious of their influence?" Nothing of the kind is to be supposed, as evinced in the operations of the dredgingmachine. Our information, from an undoubted source, goes to the effect that the services of the dredging-machine have consisted, not in removing mud, but in depositing stones. The Austrian Lloyd's newspaper expresses peculiar views on this head; it speaks of the enormous rise in the price of grain in the ports of Russia within the "last fortnight," and predicts an increase of the national prosperity of Russia, so long as France and England remain her tributaries,' How does it happen that, previously to the year 1853, these measures were not adopted for increasing the national prosperity of Russia? Nay were they not attempted during the late occupation of the Principalities? The answer is evident,―Then there was a conjoint occupying force, and that force Turkish; there was consequently no Vienna conference, and no joint note. You have enabled her to browbeat Turkey, and she is thereby enabled to browbeat you. She can interrupt your trade; she can raise the price of your bread; she can convulse you with corn seditions, and ultimately bring upon you a monetary crisis. From which, if you escape, it may be, as last time, at the expense of some hundred millions; and all this, notwithstanding the unproblematical existence of Admirals Dundas and Corry, and even of their squadrons. It is no marvel, therefore, if the Emperor rejects the conjoint note. In a secret Russian despatch of the year 1825, from which we made copious extracts on Saturday last, the plan now realised is sketched to the letter, and several remarkable maxims of policy are there laid down. One is, that when the Foreign Powers hesitate to adopt a decision of the Imperial Cabinet, it is advisable to adopt a step which will establish a crisis." Another, that with Ministers placed in the situation of those of Europe, "a Cabinet such as ours will find in events a thousand ways of terminating differences." Now, if "nothing changes" in the foreign policy of Russia, so also is nothing changed in the character of Foreign Powers. Their Cabinets are still just what they were twenty-eight years ago, liable to be startled and con founded by any "crisis sprung upon them, and always reducible by the reaction of events which they pretend to lead. It is still a contest of a seeing man with a blind one —of knowledge and capacity against ignorance and meanness; and the value of these circumstances, which have rendered these respective characters so plain, consists in affording us the opportunity of remedying an organic malformation which must prove ultimately fatal. An Englishman is not naturally inferior to a Russian, and indeed it is not Russians who direct the policy of Russia; but we have been indifferent, because conscious of strength. The fleets and screw propellers have done all the mischief, and if we are wise, we will forget for a time steam and Miniè rifles, and think a little of the commonplace matters of "character and honour." At an early period of this discussion, we pointed out that the essential feature of the case was this: that Russia was enabled simultaneously to prosecute hostilities, and to avert collision. She keeps, in fact, the "crisis" in her pocket; she can advance at any moment; she can at any moment withdraw. Her antagonist stands before her like the English unicorn, rearing and chained, according to circumstances. She can give him a fall backwards, if he shakes: if he springs, she can bring him down on his face. She is not going to lose this advantage with Cabinets so qualified; she will be in no hurry to resign so pretty a game. Whoever does, who plays on velvet? Ten days ago we fixed at six weeks the obliged limits of the Fabian policy, as towards the end of October, operations on the part of the Turks would become exceedingly difficult, and soon after impossible. Results so far confirm the judgment of the position of the parties on which this estimate of her course was founded. We further said that the acceptance or rejection of the conjoint note would depend on the degree of subserviency of the Cabinets of England and France. Since then, the Times has announced a divergency between them. Now lets us consider the courses open to Russia; she has an ample choice of advantages. First, she accepts the note unconditionally. The First case involves the withdrawal of her troops. Then she gains-1, the restoration of the corn trade; 2, the increased prosperity of the Empire; 3, the destruction of a rival trade; 4, the prevention so far of the emancipation of the Turkish export trade; 5, a right of interference in the affairs of the Oriental Church sanctioned by Europe; 6, the right of infringing, so far as regards herself, the Treaty of 1841 with the Powers, while maintaining it as regards their exclusion from the Black Sea; 7, the maintenance of her treaties as obligatory upon Turkey, together with the right of violating them as regards herself; 8, the acknowledgment of her right of violating the general European law as regards the navigation of rivers; 9, the humiliation of Europe; 10, the humiliation and injury of Turkey; 11, the animosity of Turkey against Europe; 12, the ilea in the West that Turkey as a military Power may become dangerous, and requires no longer the. union of England and France for supporting it, leaving the germs of separate alliances to curb Mussulman fanaticism and Turkish ambition. In the Second case, she prolongs the crisis. By the Third, she defies at once Europe and Turkey. By the last she is involved in the second, but even if restricted to the first, she will be hugely confirmed in the doctrine of crises, and in some one of which a revolution must lay open to her Constantinople. In fact there is, at the present moment, serious alarm of such a contingency. Should an attempt be made to displace the Sultan, the arms of the Moslems would be turned against each other. What part would then play the Conference at Vienna? what part the Russian army on the Danube ? Of the atmospheric pressure in northern latitudes we have, however, an index in the barometer established in the neighbourhood of Blackfriars-bridge. The Times of yesterday inserts the following announcement in capitals: : "THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA HAS REJECTED THE TURKISH MODIFICATIONS OF THE NOTE WHICH HE HAD ACCEPTED AT THE SUGGESTION OF THE FOUR POWERS." After which, that journal proceeds, not to deal with this important fact as regards Russia, Turkey, and Europe, but as regards Austria. There is to be, on the 23d of this month, a conference between the two Emperors, at Olmutz. The 23d of this month! What does this mean? Time. Forty of the days of grace are so knocked off. To this end Austria is put forward as a Power whose "traditional policy "has been marked by superiority to Russian arts and opposition to Russian aggrandisement. She is "determined to prevent the inroads of Northern armies." And she can do it, too; for "she takes in flank the whole power of the invader." But if, alas, she falters, then Europe is lost; for "no direct interference of other States could rescue these countries from invasion by the two greatest military monarchies of the continent." As, therefore, everything depends upon Austria, so the "rejection of the Turkish modifications by the Emperor of Russia," will decide nothing till the Olmutz Conference comes off. How gratified Austria must be to find herself of such importance, and such consi |