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Under the pretence of crushing Heresy, as it was called, the House of Austria meant to extend and establish its power in the Empire : as, on the other hand, many Protestant Princes, under the pretence of extirpating idolatry, or, at least, of securing toleration, meant only to enlarge their own dominions or privileges. These views respectively, among the Chiefs on both sides, much more than true religious motives, continued what were called the Religious Wars, in Germany, almoft uninterruptedly, till the affairs of the two Religions were finally settled by the treaty of Munster.

• Were most historical events traced up to their true causes, I fear we should not find them much more noble, nor disinterested, than Luther's disappointed avarice; and therefore I look with some contempt upon those refining and fagacious Historians, who ascribe all, even the most common events, to fome deep political cause; whereas mankind is made up of inconsistencies, and no man acts invariably up to his predominant character. The wiseft man sometimes acts weakly, and the weakeft sometimes wisely. Our jarring paffions, our variable humours, nay our greater or lesser degree of health and {pirits, produce such contradictions in our conduët, that, I believe, those are the oftenest mistaken, who ascribe our actions to the most seemingly obvious motives : and I am convinced, that a light supper, a good night's sleep, and a fine morning, have sometimes made a Hero, of the same man, who, by an indigestion, a restless night, and à rainy morning, would have proved a coward. Our best conjec, tures, therefore, as to the true springs of actions, are but very uncertain ; and the actions themselves are all that we must pretend to know from History. That Cæsar was murdered by twenty-three conspirators, I make no doubt ; bat I very much doubt, that their love of liberty, and of their country, was their fole, or even prin. cipal motive; and I dare say that, if the truth were known, we hould find that many other motives, at least concurred, even in the great Brutus himself; such as pride, envy, personal pique, and disappointment.' Nay, I cannot help carrying my Pyrrhonism ftill further, and extending it often to historical facts themselves, at least to mott of the circumstances with which they are related; and every day's experience confirms me in this historical incredulity. Do we ever hear the most recent fact related exactly in the same way, by the several people who were at the same time eye-witnesses of it?' No. One miitakes, another misrepresents; and others warp it a little to their own turn of mind, or private views. A man, who has been concerned in a transaction, will not write it fairly; and a man who has not, cannot. But, notwithstanding all this uncertainty, Hiftory is not the lefs necessary to be known ; as the best histories are taken for granted, and are the frequent subjects both of conversation and writing. Though I am convinced that Cæfar's ghoft never appeared to Brutus, yet i should be much ahamed to be ignorant of that fact, as related by the Historians of those times. Thus the Pagan theology is universally received as matter for writing and conversation, though believed now by nobody; and we talk of Jupiter, Mars, Apollo, &c. as Gods, though we know, that, if they ever existed at all, it was only as mere mortal men. This historical Pyrrhonism, ghen, proves nothing against the study and knowledge of History;

which, of all other studies, is the mof necessary, for a man who is to live in the world. It only points out to us, not to be too decisive and péremptory ; and to be cautious how we draw inferences, for our own practice, from remote facts, partially or ignorantly relaced ; of which we can, at best, but imperfectly guess, and certainly not krow the real motives. The testimonies of Ancient History most oecefiarily be weaker than those of Modern, as all testimony grows weaker and weaker, as it is more and more remote from us.' I woald therefore advise you to ftady Ancient History, in general, as other people do ; that is, not to be ignorant of any of those fa&ts which are universally received, upon the faith of the best Hiftorians; and, whether true or false, you have them as other people have then. But Modern History, I mean particularly that of the three lait centuries, is what I would have you apply to with the greatest attention and exactness. There the probability of coming at the truth is much greater, as the testimonies are much more recent ; befices, anecdotes, memoirs, and original letters, often come to the aid of Modern Hiftory

So exactly do Lord Chesterfield's ideas correspond with our opinion of the use and authority of history, in the general, that we cannot withhold our free and unreserved subscription to every thing that he has advanced on the subject.

We fould now proceed to other extracts; but the difficulty of selection, where the choice is so abundant, leaves us no easy talk to execute, We could fill a whole volume of Reviews with the curious and instructive materials which now open upon us, as we turn over these valuable pages : the subjects rifing in importance as we proceed in the series. Our customary limits, however, will oblige us, for the present, to close the book ; but we thall, with great pleasure, resume the review of it, in our next publication.

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Art. V. A Father's Legacy to his Daughters. By the late Dr.
Gregory, of Edinburgh. 12mo. 25. fewed, Cadell. 1774.
T frequently happens that those compofitions meet with a

great share of the public favour, which were not originally intended for the public eye. Those gifts are not the least agreeable which come unexpected, and to which we have no title. Beside the pleasure which we feel in being admitted to a participation of those sentiments which were inspired by friendship, or the warmth of private affections, wé naturally

expect, in works of this kind, a more candid discussion of opi. nions, than in compositions which spring from motives of

interest or applause; and we are sure of an unbiased judgment, where every thought aims only at the real advantage of those to whom the Writer addresses himself. • The amiable author of this small volume, who, while living, was no less respected for his talents, than beloved for the qua5

lities

lities of his heart, intended these advices, as he himself informs us, as the last proof of bis affection to bis daughters. In all his writings, his principal view was the good of his fellowcreatures, and to the with of a son to contribute to that general design, and to do honour to the memory of a father, the Pube lic is indebted for a very acceptable present.

The Author has clafled his observations under four general heads, Religion Conduct and Behaviour + Amụfements--Friendship, Lave, and Marriage ; and on each of these fub. jeds, fo far as the female sex are interested in them, in the early part of life, he has made many pertinent and judicious remarks, arising naturally from his subjects and situation; and he has communicated them in an easy and unaffected style.

In the first section, after observing the utility of religious principles to a woman, either in a life of suffering and deprelfion, which is too often the lot of the ill-treated fex, or in the oppolite extreme of uncontrouled diffipation, he recommends the perusa) of such books of religion only, as are addressed to the heart, and wisely cautions againft cntangling the female mind in the mazes of fyftem, or controverted opinions. He makes a judicious observation, to which we believe few of his male Readers will refuse their assent, “ That even those men who are themselves unbelievers difike infidelity in a woman. Pity it is, this truth were not more generally known and admitted.

On the second head, viz. of Conduct and Behaviour, he is warm in the recommendation of that amiable reserve, that retiring delicacy, which, without directly avoiding, feeks not the public eye. He cautions against indulging a talent for wit ; and with regard to humour, though the less offenfive talent, he fenfibly remarks that in a woman it may make her company be courted, but it is often a great enemy to delicacy, and ftill a greater to dignity of character. He' censures an affectation of learning, and even too great a display of good fense, as ecring against the first rule of pleafing in conversacion, which is, to make every one pleased with himself.

On the head of Amusements, the Author recommends fuch of the more active kind as are conducive to health, and not at the same time inconsistent with female delicacy. His fentiments with regard to domestic employments, dress, and public amusemenis, are extremely judicious; and while they are far from favouring the fashionable dislipation of the age, they are equally removed from a rigid and unsocial severity.

See particularly our accounts of his Comparative View of the State of Man, &c. Rev, vol. xxxv. p. 221. and of his Observations on the office and Dusies of a Physician. Rey. vol. xli. p. 401.

In the last, and not least important fedtion, the Author has examined the different duties and decorums, of Love, of Friendfhip, and of Marriage. In friend hip between females, he advises an unlimited confidence, except in the article of Love: This may, perhaps, be condemned by fome of his readers, as insinuating a pretty severe reflection upon the fex: The Author's reasons, however, are certainly strong; the motives of delicacy, and the danger of a secret escaping, from the imprudence or inattention of a confident. He advances a propofition still more disputable: “If a gentleman's attachment, says he, is agreeable to you, I leave you to do as nature, good-fense, and delicacy shall direct you. If you love him, let me advise you never to discover to him the full extent of your love, no, not although you marry him. That sufficiently Shews your preference, which is all he is entitled to know Our Author's reason is, that violent love cannot subfift for any time together on both fides, and that a reserve on one side is the only security against satiety. But may it not with justice be argued againit this propofition, that however luxuriant the plant, it cannot long sublift in an ungrateful foil: that a man whose soul is devoted to one object is not worthily repaid by bare compliances, or by the scanty returns of gratitude; and that those who adopt this scheme of reserve in marriage, overlook the most refined enjoyment of which human nature is capable, the felicity which results from the consciousness of a mutual affection?

From the above general view of the fubjects treated in this small, but elegant composition, it will occur to our readers, that the Author's opinions on those topics, which are of the highest importance in life, are manly and sensible, that he intermixes no trite nor vulgar observations, and that fometimes there is even a novelty of sentiment in matters of the moft common discussion. We recommend the attentive, the repeated perusal of this treatise to our young country-women; and though written professedly for the instruction of a daughter, it will be found to contain many hints extremely proper for the confideration of a parent.

Art. VI. The Right of the British Legislature to tax the American Colo

nies windicated, and the Means of oljerting that Right proposed. 8vo. I s. Becket. 1774. HIS Writer professes to prove that the North Americans

have never lost the happy state of free subjects ;, and that the acts of the mother country, regarding them, and of which they now complain, are very confiftent with the fundamental principles of our conftitution, erring only on the side of indul

gence

TH

gence toward them:-points which certainly require some ability to demonftrate, to the entire conviction of our brethren on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean.

The arguments on both sides of this important question on the right of taxation, muft by this time be nearly exhausted, and will receive only a particular complexion from the hands through which they pass. This Writer is by no means deficient in the management

of his pen ; and yet if the North Americans are ever brought to confess that they have maintained a fallacious plea, we imagine it must be by other proofs of the power of the British parliament over them, than those that are here produced. The first argument offered to justify this extension, is nevertheless far from being the weakest that hath appeared in the course of this controversy, and especially of those contained in this performance:

• A fundamental principle that has ever been regarded as such b all writers of government is, that in every civilized state, there mus be, fome where, a supreme all-controling power. In the British ftate this fupreme power is by the constitution fixed in the united wills of the king, lords, and representatives of the people in parliament assembled. Are the colonists subject to this supreme power? They themselves acknowledge that they are in every thing, excepting taxation. But the principles of our conftitution, when fully understood, will, I believe, evidently prove, that the British parliament, composed of the three eftates above mentioned, is fupreme, not in one branch of legislation alone, but in all branches, in taxation as in every thing else, without any respect to the approbation or disapprobation of the individuals of the society over whom it' presides, when their general welfare is visibly the object of its decrees.'

This leads to an examination of the position, that in a free nation, such as ours, taxes cannot be imposed without the confent of the individuals of the society by whom they are to be paid, or of their actual representatives. Mr. Locke is censured for having asserted, “ that the supreme power cannot take from any one, any part of his property but by his own consent, otherwise he has no property at all.” On this occasion the Writer fays, if it be in the very essence of a free man to dis? pose of his property as he plcases, there is not in that case a fingle free subject in Great Britain. Where is the noble or commoner that dare say, he can refuse paying a tax, when the legislature has ordained it? Here however he overshoots the mark; for no man in his private capacity, can refuse obedience to laws made by his representatives : and if the Americans claim no such right, he should not insinuate absurdities against them, of which they are not guilty.

After advancing this charge of incongruity against Mr, Locke, the same accusation is extended to Mr. Pownal.

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