and learned Dr. John Douglas, canon of Windfor; who has made it his bufinefs to draw together all the detached and fcattered parts of the original collection. It was by means of this gentleman, that the re-union between the Powney papers and the Hyde part of the collection was effected. He was afterwards commiffioned to purchase the papers left by Mr. Radcliffe. He has fince himself purchased, and thrown into the common stock, a parcel of manufcripts, which belonged to the late Mr. Guthrie. By Dr. Douglas's means, other important additions have been procured; and the Editor is obliged to him for many valuable hints and informations, which have been of confiderable ufe in conducting the prefent publication.

The title of the preceding volume was, State Papers collected by Edward Earl of Clarendon.-Containing the Materials from which his Hiftory of the great Rebellion was compofed, and the Authorities on which the Truth of his Relation is founded.' From this title we took occafion to express our apprehenfions, that the noble Hiftorian had culled out every thing of fterling worth, and that what was left behind, was little better than drofs. But now a very different fcene presents itfelf. The Editor is convinced, upon a farther infight into the materials before him, of the impropriety of continuing the fame title to the fecond volume, which was prefixed to the former; and which was then adopted upon a very partial view and comparifon of the contents of it with the hiftory of the rebellion. For, not to mention, fays Dr. Scrope, that there are many valuable papers below the period of that hiftory, it will appear, even upon a curfory reading of this volume alone, that there are many curious and entertaining particulars of which Lord Clarendon has taken no notice, either in that hiftory, or in his life, and the continuation of his life, published a few years fince; and still farther, that there is at least one very important point of history, on which he has also been filent, the uncertainty whereof has afforded matter of controversy to the ableft hiftorians of later days, but which is by these papers placed beyond all manner of doubt. Indeed, there is nothing more evident, than that much of his hiftory of the rebellion was composed when he was at a distance from those materials, the most important parts of which are now, and will hereafter, be prefented to the Public in the present work.'

If this account fhews, as it undoubtedly doth, that the collection of the Clarendon ftate papers is much more valuable and interesting than we at first apprehended, it reflects, at the fame time, a proportionable degree of difcredit on the hiftory of the rebellion. Independently of Lord Clarendon's particular fentiments and reprefentations of things, we have long been fenfible that there are feveral inftances in which he is erroneous

er

This is now

or defective in his relation of facts themselves. rendered indubitable by the publication before us, and by the teftimony of a friend to his memory, who, of all others, is the beft acquainted with the fubject. As these papers will be too voluminous and expenfive ever to fall into the hands of the generality of readers, it must certainly hereafter be defirable, for fome well-wisher to the noble Earl's reputation, to collect together the various particulars, by which he would probably have given additional accuracy and perfection to his hiftory, had he been poffeffed of his original and authentic memorials, at the time in which it was finished.

The papers comprized in this volume, commence in the year 1637, and are brought down to King Charles the Second's fafe arrival on the Continent after the battle of Worcester; fo that they include a most important and interesting period of the English hiftory, to which they may juftly be regarded as a valuable acquifition.

In the first fet of letters which we here meet with, we have a continuation of Secretary Windebank's correfpondence with his Majefty, and feveral eminent perfons. Thefe were probably the Secretary's most confidential dispatches, which escaped the vigilance of the parliament. They relate to various transactions at home and abroad, down to the 16th of October, 1640; and many of them are very curious. The following letter, from the Earl of Newcastle, on his being appointed Gentleman of the Bedchamber to the Prince of Wales, may ferve to fhew the high sense which the nobility at that time entertained of a court favour. The Earl of Newcastle to Mr. Secretary Windebank. Noble Sir,

"I beseech you to prefent me in the most humble manner in the world to his Sacred Majefty, and to let his Majesty know I shall as cheerfully as diligently obey his Majefty's commands. Truly, the infinite favour, honour, and truft his Majefty is pleafed to heap on me in this princely employment, is beyond any thing I can exprefs. It was beyond a hope of the moft partial thoughts I had about me; neither is there any thing in me left, but a thankful heart filled with diligence, and obedience to his Sacred Majesty's will.

It is not the leaft favour of the King and Queen's Majesties to let me know my obligation. And I pray, Sir, humbly inform their Majefties, it is my greatest bleffing that I owe myself to none but their Sacred Majefties. God ever preferve them and their's, and make me worthy of their Majefties' favours!

"I have had but feldom the honour to receive letters from you; but fuch as thefe you cannot write often. But truly I am very proud I received fuch happy news by your hand, which fhall ever oblige me to be inviolably,

Welbeck, the 21st of
March 1637.

Sir, Your most faithful

and obliged Servant,

W. NEWCASTLE."

In one of Windebank's letters to his Majefty, there is an hif torical circumstance, respecting Sir Francis Seymour's conduct in the affair of Ship-money, which is much to that gentleman's honour, and is little, if at all, known. The marginal note of the King, accompanying the letter, is a fufficient indication of bis arbitrary principles.

"Sir Francis Seymour, upon complaint of the theriff of Wilts, that he refused to pay the shipping-money, and that his example difcouraged others, which is the caufe of the great arrears in that county, was called to the board upon Wednesday laft: where he told the lords, he had against his confcience, and upon the importunity of his friends, paid that money twice; but now his confcience would fuffer him no more to do a thing (as he thought) fo contrary to law and to the liberty of a fubject. He further acquainted the lords, he had lately received a letter from the board, giving him notice of your Majefty's expedition in the North, and was ready to give an anfwer. My lords apprehending by his boldness in the fhipping bufinefs, that he came prepared with a worfe on this, told him they expected his anfwer in writing, and would not hearken to any verbal difcourfe only wished him to be well advifed how he spake against the legality of the former, feeing it is fettled by a judgment, and fo confirmed by the judges. He would have replied; but my lords commanded him to withdraw; and after, gave Sir Edward Baynton, the sheriff of the county for the precedent year, command ment to diftrain his goods; which he hath hitherto forborn in regard of his birth, and power in the country; and he verily believes, he will make refiftance.

Ye must needs make bim an example, not only by diftrefs, but, if it be poffible, an information in Jome courte, as Mr. Aturnie fall advyfe. C. R.

Barnvike 29 May 1639.

Drury Lane, 24th May 153.

"This is too much unpleafing matter for your Majefty, for which I most humbly crave your princely pardon, and that I may nevertheless have the honour to rest

Your Majesty's
moft humble and obedient
Subject and Servant,

FRAN. WINDEBANK."

Among the rest of Secretary Windebank's papers, we find a narrative, by Lord Conway, of his conduct in the action at Newburn, and of the reafons of his retreat from Newcastle; which throws important light upon thofe events, and fhews, beyond a reasonable doubt, that his Lordship hath been very unjustly cenfured by all our hiftorians, not excepting the Earl of Clarendon himself.

Sir Francis Windebank's difpatches are fucceeded by a number of letters, written by a variety of perfons, on a variety of occafions. Here Mr. Hyde's correfpondence properly begins; and it is intermixed with many other papers, relative to the affairs both of England and Ireland. The letter fubjoined, from

the

the Lord Mountnorris to the Earl of Strafford, will be deemed the more remarkable, as it was fent to that nobleman, the day before his execution.

The Lord Mountnorris to the Earl of Strafford.
My Lord,

"With all humble fincerity of heart I fpeak it, I come not to you to disturb your peace, but to further it. My confcience witneffeth with me, as I hope for falvation, that, until you took away the Secretary's place from me, I honoured and efteemed you as my best friend, and never wittingly offended you in word or deed, but unbofomed my heart and advice to you, as I would have done to my father, if he had been living. And how fervently I fought your re conciliation, my feveral letters, and my poor afflicted wife's, written and directed to yourself, may teftify for me. You brought me into difgrace caufelessly with my gracious Sovereign; whom I call God to be my witnefs I have ferved with all poffible faithfulness: and the depriving me of his Majesty's favour, hath been, and is more griev ous to me than any death can be. You have publickly dishonoured and disgraced me by accufing me of bribery, corruption, and oppreffion, whereof my God knows I am innocent; and for trial thereof Į have fubmitted myself to the stricteft fcrutiny of the parliament. You have by a high and powerful hand by mifinformation to his Majefty, ftripped me of all my offices and employments, and so impoverished me in my eftate, and brought fo many calamities upon me and my diftreffed wife and her feven children, who are nearly allied to her that is a faint in heaven, and was the mother of your dear children, as have ruined their fortunes, which I hoped would have been advanced by your favourable furtherance. My Lord, I beseech you pardon me for making this woeful relation, which proceeds from a grieved forrowful foul with tears from my eyes; not for myself, (for I blefs God my afflictions have weaned me from this world, and my heart is fixed upon a heavenly habitation) but for my poor infants' fakes, whom I am like by these occafions to leave diftreffed, if his Majefty take not confideration of them. If your Lordship's heart do not tell you you have been too cruel to me and mine, I must leave it to the fearcher of all hearts to be judge betwixt us; but if it do, you may be pleafed, in difcharge of a good confcience, to make fome fignification thereof to his Majefty; and I will not doubt but my God will difpofe his Majesty's heart to take compaffion of my poor infants, and reward it into the bofom of you and your's accordingly. And, my Lord, I do from my heart forgive you all the wrongs you have done to me and mine; and do upon the knees of my heart befeech my God not to lay them to your charge, but to receive your foul into his glorious prefence, where all tears fhall be wiped from your eyes, Amen, amen, fweet Jefus! which fhall be the inceffant prayer of

11 of May 1641.

Your Lordship's

Brother in Chrift Jefus,

FRA. MOUNTNORRIS."

Lord Digby having spoken, in a letter written from Dublin to Sir Edward Hyde, of the proceedings against the Earl of

Glamorgan,

Glamorgan, relative to his commiffion to treat with the Irish Catholics, the Editor hath taken occafion to introduce a very curious letter from that Earl to Lord Clarendon, foon after the Restoration.

The Marquis of Worcefter (late Earl of Glamorgan) to the Earl of Clarendon.

My Lord Chancellor,

"For his Majefty's better information, through your favour, and by the channel of your Lordship's understanding things rightly, give me leave to acquaint you with one chief key, wherewith to open the fecret paffages between his late Majefty and myself in order to his fervice; which was no other than a real expofing of myself to any expence or difficulty, rather than his juft defign fhould not take place; or, in taking effect, that his honour should suffer. An effect, you may juftly fay, relifhing more of a paffionate and blind affection to his Majefty's fervice, than of difcretion and care of myself. This made me take a refolution that he should have feemed angry with me at my return out of Ireland, until I had brought him into a posture and power to own his commands, to make good his inftructions, and to reward my faithfulness and zeal therein.

"Your Lordship may well wonder, and the King too, at the amplitude of my commiffion. But when you have understood the height of his Majefty's defign, you will foon be fatisfied that nothing lefs could have made me capable to effect it; being that one army of ten thousand men was to have come out of Ireland through North Wales; another, of a like number at least under my command in chief, have expected my return in South Wales, which Sir Henry Gage was to have commanded as Lieutenant General; and a third fhould have confifted of a matter of fix thousand men, two thousand of which were to have been Liegois, commanded by Sir Francis Edmonds, two thousand Lorrainers to have been commanded by Colonel Browne, and two thousand of such French, English, Scots, and Irish, as could be drawn out of Flanders and Holland. And the fix thoufand were to have been, by the Prince of Orange's affiftance, in the affociated counties and the Governor of Lyne, coufin-german to Major Bacon, Major of my own regiment, was to have delivered the town unto them.

"The maintenance of this army of foreigners was to have come from the Pope, and fuch Catholick Princes as he should draw into it, having engaged to afford and procure 30,000l. a month; out of which the foreign army was first to be provided for; and the remainder to be divided among other armies. And for this purpose had I power to treat with the Pope and Catholick Princes with particular advantages promifed to Catholicks, for the quiet enjoying their religion, without the penalties which the ftatutes in force had power to inflict upon them. And my inftructions for this purpose, and my powers to treat and conclude thereupon, were figned by the King under his pocket fignet, with blanks for me to put in the names of Pope or Princes, to the end the King might have a starting hole to deny the having given me fuch commiffions, if excepted against by his own fubjects; leaving me as it were at ftake, who for his Ma jefty's fake was willing to undergo it, trufting to his word alone.