efpecially by Sir Edward Hyde; from whom we have a long letter to Lord Jermyn upon the fubject, which contains a fine display of Sir Edward's wifdom and integrity. When, at length, in confequence of the King and Queen's pofitive command, the Prince of Wales was conveyed to France, the Lords Capel and Hopton, and Sir Edward Hyde, thinking that they could be of no farther fervice to his Royal Highnefs, determined to remain in the ifland of Jerfey; and wrote jointly to their Majefties, in juftification of their refolution. The whole progrefs of thefe tranfactions is fully difplayed in the prefent collection.

Another large feries of letters relates to the King's fituation, after he had put himfelf in the power of the Scots. His condition, at that time, was peculiarly embarraffing. He was totally unwilling to comply with the demands of the Scots, and moft of all averfe to do fo in what related to religion. On the other hand, many of his zealous adherents were folicitous that he fhould make conceffions in this refpect. We have, in the work before us, a number of letters between his Majesty and the Lords Jermyn and Colepeper, and Mr. John Afhburnham, upon the fubject The King's attachment to epifcopacy, and his diflike to prefbyterianifm, were unchangeable. In one letter to the three juft mentioned perfons, he expreffes himself in this

manner :

Now, as for your advyce to me; you fpeake my very foule in every thing but one; that is, the church. Remember your own rule, not expect to redime that which is given away by act of Par liament. Shall I then give away the Church? And excufe me to tell you, that I belive you doe not understand what this is that you ar content (I confefs, not upon very cafy termes) I fhould thus give away. I will begin to fhew you, firft, what it is in point of policy; and firft, negatively: It is not the change of Church Governement which is cheefly aymed at; (though that were too much) but it is by that pretext to take away the dependancy of the Church from the Crowne; which, lett me tell you, I hould to be of equall confequence to that of the Militia; for people are governed by pulpits more then the fword, in tymes of peace: nor will the Scots be content with the alteration of Governement, except the Covenant be lykewais eftablished; the which does not only make good all theire former rebellions, but lykewais laies a firm and fructful foundation for fuch paffetymes in all tymes to come. Now for the theologicall part, I affeure you, the change would be no leffe and worse then if Popery were brought in; for we should have nether lawfull prietts, nor facraments duly admineftred, nor God publikely ferved, but according to the fulithe fancy of every ydle parfon; but we fhould have the doctring against Kings fercelyer fet up then amongst the Jefuits. In a word, fett your hearts at reft; I will leffe yeald to this then the Militia, my conscience being irreconciliably ingaged against it. Wherefore I conjure you as Chrillians to affilt me particularly in this alfo.' 5

In

In a fubfequent letter, his Majesty declares, that, if he understood any thing of religion, the prefbyterian tenets and government were more erroneous than thofe of the church of Rome, and abfolutely inconfiftent with monarchy. From the whole of what the King writes upon the matter, it appears that his averfion to prefbyterianifm was founded both upon religious and political reafons. Being preffed, however, by his friends, and urged by the neceffity of his affairs, he thought proper to confult the Bishops of London and Salisbury, how far, with a fafe confcience, he might fubmit to a temporary allowance of the prefbyterian mode of worship. The anfwer of the two Bifhops is as follows:

May it please your Majesty,

In obedience to your Majefty's command, we have advised upon this propofition, and your Majefty's doubt arifing thereon. And attending to our duty and your Majefty's ftrict charge laid upon us, we fhall deliver our opinions, and the fenfe we have of it, plainly and freely, to the best of our understandings; no. ll we fail in point of fidelity, however we may in judgment.

The doubt is touching the lawfuinefs of a temporary compliance in matters of religion, in the state they now here land; that is, as we apprehend it, whether your Majefty may, without breach of your oath, and with a fafe confcience, permit for fome time the exercise of the directory, for worship, and practice of difcipline, as they are now used and ftand enjoined by ordinance.

· For refolution whereof, we shall take the boldnefs to make use of thofe grounds which we find laid down to our hands in your Majefty's directions. For your Majefty's conftancy and fixedness of refolution not to recede from what you have by oath undertaken in that matter, as it gives you a great latitude to walk in, with fafety of confcience, in your endeavours to that end (the rectitude of intention abating much of the obliquity in all actions), fo the full expreffion you have been now pleased to make of it, and, that what you propofe at prefent is in ordine thereunto, doth much facilitate the work, and fit us for a refolution.

Taking therefore your Majefty's fettled determination touching the Church for a foundation unremoveable, and this propofition (in your Majefty's defign) as a means fubfervient thereunto; confidering alfo the condition your Majefty's affairs now ftand in, being deflitute of all means compulfory, or of regaining what is loft by force; we cannot conceive in this your Majefty's condefcenfion any violation of that oath, whereof your Majelty is fo juftly tender, but that your Majefty doth thereby ftill continue to preferve and protect the Church by the best ways and means you have now left you (which is all the oath can be fuppofed to require); and that the permiflion intended (whereby, in fome men's apprehenfions, your Majesty may seem to throw down what you defire to build up) is not only by your Majetty levelled to that end, but, as your Majefty ftands periuaded, probably fitted for the effecting it in fome measure.

• And

And as your Majefty will ftand clear (in our judgments, at leaft) in respect to your oath, which is principally to be regarded, fo neither do we think your Majefty will herein trefpafs in point of confcience; because your Majefty finding them already fettled, and as it' were in poffeffion, do only, what in other cafes is usual, not disturb that poffeffion while the differences are in hearing, or (which is more juftifiable) permit that which you cannot hinder, if you would; not commanding it (for that may vary the cafe) but (which poffibly may may be better liked) leaving it upon that foot it now ftands, enjoined by authority of the Houfes, which is found ftrong enough to enforce the obedience. Which intendment of your Majefty's would fland more clear, if this point of a temporary toleration were not laid as the principle of the propofition (as now it may seem to be flanding in the front), but as an acceffory and neceffary conceffion for the more peaceable proceeding in the bufinefs. The first part therefore in the propofition might be, for the accommodation of dif. ferences by a debate between parties (as it lies in the propofition), and then, that, during that debate all things remain ftatu quo nunc, without any interruption or disturbance from your Majefty, provided the debate determine and a fettlement be made within fuch a time, &c. and that your Majesty and your household, in the interim, be not hindered, &c. which notwithstanding we humbly fubmit to your Majefty's better judgment to alter, or not.

We cannot but have a lively fense of the great troubles your Majefty undergoes, and doubt not but that God who hath hitherto given you patience in them, will bless you with a deliverance out of them in due time, and make the event of your conftant endeavours, anfwerable to the integrity of your Majefty's heart; which is the prayer of

Your Majesty's

Fulham, 14 Oct. 1646.

moft obedient and humble Servants,
GUIL. LONDON. BR. SARUM,

Sir Edward Hyde had no concern in the transactions just related, and, had he been confulted by his Majefty, muft, from his own principles, have given very different advice from that which had been urged by the Lords Jermyn and Colepeper, and Mr. Ashburnham. During this time, Sir Edward continued, without employ, in the ifle of Jersey; from whence he wrote a variety of familiar letters to his friends. These letters, perhaps, cannot be deemed ftrictly hiftorical; and yet we entirely agree with the Editor in thinking that they were peculiarly worthy of being inferted. Though we greatly differ from Lord Clarendon in many of his religious and political fentiments, it would be injuftice not to acknowledge, that the letters we speak of, exhibit his character in a very amiable point of view, and that they are beautiful inftances of his diftinguished abilities and real integrity. While he refided in Jersey, he apprehended, at one time, that his life was in great danger, from an attempt which it was expected the Parliament would. make upon the island. Under this apprehenfion, he wrote

letters

letters to the King, the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Southampton, and Lady Hyde, to be delivered to each of them after his death. As a fpecimen of the reft, we fhall infert that to his Lady; and we doubt, not but the perufal of it will be agreeable to cur Readers.

Sir Edward Hyde to the Lady Hyde.

My dearest,

This being not like to come to thee till I am dead, I cannot hegin better to thee, than to charge and conjure thee to bear my death with that magnanimity and Christian patience, as becomes a woman, who hath no caufe to be ashamed of the memory of her hufband, and who hath fuch precious pawns left to her care, as thou haft, in our poor children; which must be most completely miferable, if through thy paffion thou shalt either shorten thy days, or impair thy health. And therefore, thou must remember, thou haft no other arguments to give of thy conftant affection to me, than by doing that which thou knowest i only defire thou shouldft do. Be not trobled at the fmallness or diftraction of thy fortune, fince it proceeds neither from my fault or folly, but by the immediate hand of God, who, I doubt not, will recompence thee fome other way. He knows how entire my heart hath been to him, and that, if it had not been out of the confcience of my duty to him, and the King, I might have left thee and thine a better portion in this world. But I am confident thou doft in thy foul abhor any wealth fo gotten, and thinkeft thy felf and thy children happier in the memory of thy poor honeft husband, than any addition of an ill gotten, or ill kept eftate could have made you. Continue the fame thou hast been, and God will requite and reward thee. I have in my other paper, which is parcel will, parcel declaration, fuch as I thought in thefe times neceffary, faid as much to thee of my eftate and my children as I can think of. I doubt not thou wilt find fome. friends, who will remember and confider how jutt I would have been to their memory if I had outlived them. My letters to the King, Prince, Duke of Richmond, and Earl of Southampton, thou mayeft deliver or fend as thou shalt be advifed. Thy own father, mother, and brother will I am fure never fail thee in any office of kindness, nor be unjust to the memory of him, who always held them in fingular efteem. From my friends I am confident thou wilt receive all poffible kindnefs. Befides thofe I have mentioned in the other paper, I prefume my Lord Seymour will be ready to do thee good offices, and my Lord Keeper and Sir Thomas Gardiner to affift thee; and I hope many more that I think not neceflary to name. I do from the bottom of my heart thank thee for all thý kindness and affection, which upon my faith I have always returned from my foul, having never committed the leaft fault against thee, but promifed myself the only hap-, pinefs and contentment, to live with thee in any condition. Since it hath pleafed God not to admit that, he will, I doubt not, bring us together in a moft bleffed ftate in a better world when we fhall never part. God bless thee and thine! cherish thyself as thou lovest the memory of, My dearcft, thy most faithful and affectionate Hufband,

Jerfey, this 3d of April 1647.

EDW, HYDE.
Το

141

To the five letters are fubjoined Sir Edward's defires concerning his papers, and his laft will and profeffion;' and all of them fhew that, however miftaken he might be in his political opinions, he had acted from the dictates of confcience and a fenfe of duty.

Some of the best friends to Lord Clarendon's memory have acknowledged, that his religious policy, when he came to be chief minister of this country, was narrow and illiberal. From the prefent work, and efpecially from two or three letters to Lord Hopton, it appears that Sir Edward Hyde was always bigotted in his notions of church government.

The feries of papers in this volume is carried on to the year 1651; ending with the account of King Charles the Second's escape after the battle of Worcester. Many of the letters and memorials relate to foreign as well as to domeftic affairs; and to the state of Ireland, as well as to England. Among other things, we find here a very compleat detail of difpatches, including Lord Cottington's and Sir Edward Hyde's embafly to Spain.

We have only to add, that this is a noble and valuable collection, and that we are perfuaded it will prove of great importance to the elucidation of our national history. We shall expect, with impatience, the remaining papers, as we have reafon given us to believe that they will be found ftill more momentous and interefting than thofe which have been already published.

ART. XI. The Works of Dr. John Eachard, late Mafter of CatherineHall, Cambridge. Confifling of the Grounds and Occafions of the Contempt of the Clergy; his Dialogues on the Writings of Mr. Hobbs; and other Tracts. A new Edition; with a Second Dialogue on the Writings of Mr. Hobbs, not printed in any former Edition; and fome Account of the Life and Writings of the Au-. thor. 12mo. 3 Vols. 7 s. 6 d. fewed. Davies.

DR

R. John Eachard, fo well known from his witty detail of the caufes of the Contempt of the Clergy, was the pleafantest controverfial writer of the lait age. His prefent Editor prefers him to Swift, for the following reafons:

• The celebrated Dean of St. Patrick's, fays he, turns his pen too frequently into a fcalping-knife, and makes his wit the executioner to his ill-nature. Not content to overcome his antagonist by the ftrength of his abilities and the force of his argument, Swift treats him, as if he were not only the dulleft, but the vileft of mankind. It is not enough for him to conquer, unless he tramples too upon his enemy: he frequently felects the most opprobrious terms and fhocking expreffions he can find in the English language; and throws them about at random on perfons in the most exalted as well as the lowest stations on princes and flockjobbers; chancellors and printers; dutcheffes and coiners; ftatefmen and news-writers; bishops and ufurers; fine ladies and lewd rakes.

• Eachard