XVI. 1774. This bill being passed, and the recess ap- BOOK proaching, many members were about to retire into the country, when their attention was recalled to another bill, for making more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec. It passed through the house of lords, where it originated, with unexpected facility; but met with an opposition in the house of commons more vehement than any of the former. The principal objects of the bill were, to ascertain the limits of the province, which were now extended far beyond those settled by the proclamation of 1763, including that vast tract of territory southward of the Lakes, and bordering upon the great rivers Ohio and Missisippi; to establish a legislative council, the counsellors to be appointed by the crown, and the office to be held during pleasure; to confirm the French laws and a trial without jury in civil cases; the English laws and a trial by jury in criminal; to secure to the Roman-catholic clergy the legal enjoyment of their tythes from all who were of their own religion. The revenue of the province was consigned in the first instance to the board of Treasury, for the support of an unlimited civil list and the administration of justice; the judges holding their offices and salaries during pleasure. Thus the government of Quebec was converted into a legal despotism, committed by BOOK parliament into the hands of the crown; and a XVI striking proof was exhibited to the world, what 1774. the other provinces of America had to expect, when reduced to a loyal and dutiful submission. The provision made by this act for the Romancatholic clergy occasioned a considerable degree of odium and unpopularity to attend it without doors but the zealous friends of liberty with grief and astonishment perceived that the public at large not only acquiesced in, but approved and applauded, the measures now adopted for the subjugation and enslavement of America. So true is it, that a nation, which would risque every thing to secure its own liberty, may be not the less inclined, upon that account, to domineer and tyrannize over others. Lord Chatham's state of health, during the two preceding sessions, had precluded him from making any considerable parliamentary exertions, and he had rarely attended the house on any occasion; but, finding himself at this period somewhat relieved from the pressure of his complaints, he took the opportunity, on the third reading of the bill for quartering soldiers in America, to lay before the house and the public his thoughts on this bill, and on American affairs in general, in a speech worthy of his distinguished talents and illustrious reputation. “If,” said he, my lords, we take a transient view of those mo tives which induced the ancestors of our fellow- BOOK subjects in America to leave their native country, XVI to encounter the innumerable difficulties of the 1774. unexplored regions of the western world, our astonishment at the present conduct of their descendants will naturally subside. There was no corner of the globe to which they would not have fled, rather than submit to the slavish and tyrannical spirit which prevailed at that period in their native country; and viewing them in their originally forlorn and now flourishing state, they may be cited as illustrious instances to instruct the world what great exertions mankind will naturally make, when left to the free exercise of their own powers. Notwithstanding my intention to give my hearty negative to the question now before you, I condemn, my lords, in the severest manner, the turbulent and unwarrantable conduct of the Americans in some instances, particularly in the late riots at Boston; but, my lords, the mode which has been pursued to bring them back to a sense of their duty is so diametrically opposite to every principle of sound policy, as to excite my utmost astonishment. You have involved the guilty and the innocent in one common punishment, and avenge the crime of a few lawless depredators upon the whole body of the inhabitants. My lords, the different provinces of America, in the excess BOOK of their gratitude for the repeal of the Stamp XVI. Act, seemed to vie with each other in expres1774. sions of loyalty and duty; but the moment they perceived that your intention to tax them was renewed, under a pretence of serving the EastIndia Company, their resentment got the ascendant of their moderation, and hurried them into actions which their cooler reason would abhor. But, my lords, from the whole complexion of the late proceedings, I cannot but incline to think, that administration has purposely irritated them into these violent acts, in order to gratify their own malice and revenge. What else could induce them to dress Taxation, the father of American Sedition, in the robes of an East-India Director, but to break in upon that mutual peace and harmony which then so happily subsisted between the colonies and the mother country? My lords, it has always been my fixed and unalterable opinion, and I will carry it with me to the grave, that this country had no right under heaven to tax America. It is contrary to all the principles of justice and civil policy: it is contrary to that essential, unalterable right in nature, ingrafted into the British constitution as a fundamental law, that what a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but which cannot be taken from him without his consent. Pass then, XVI. 1774. my lords, instead of these harsh and severe BOOK edicts, an amnesty over their errors; by measures of lenity and affection allure them to their duty; act the part of a generous and forgiving parent. A period may arrive, when this parent may stand in need of every assistance she can receive from a grateful and affectionate offspring. The welfare of this country, my lords, has ever been my greatest joy, and under all the vicissitudes of my life has afforded me the most pleasing consolation. Should the all-disposing hand of Providence prevent me from contributing my poor and feeble aid in the day of her distress, my prayers shall be ever for her prosperity: Length of days be in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honor! May her ways be ways of pleasantness, and all her paths be peace !" The only effort of a nature directly conciliatory in the course of the present session was made by Mr. Rose Fuller, member for Rye, who on the debate on the Boston Port Bill had given a very politic and judicious opinion, that the mode of punishment ought to be altered to a fine of 20,000l. to the East-India Company for the demolition of their tea, and another fine to his majesty for damages done. This gentleman, on the 19th April, 1774, moved, that the house resolve itself into a committee, to take into |