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'"That that House was told, both within these walls and without these walls, that the reason why it felt no sympathy in their sufferings, no anxiety for their relief, was because the majority of its Members had an interest directly opposite to the interests of the people; that this majority was not chosen, as of right it ought to have been, by the majority of the land-owners and householders of England; but was nominated and appointed by a few individuals, who, partly by the effects of time and accident, but still more by a barefaced perversion of the spirit and meaning of our laws and Constitution, had acquired the power of selling, or otherwise disposing of, the seats in this House, in such manner as best suited their own interests.

"That the late House of Commons was also repeatedly called upon, entreated and implored, to set about reforming such a monstrous abuse, but that it uniformly refused to listen to such call; and, though hesitating, fluctuating, and changing, upon other questions of vital consequence to the country, upon this question of reform it determined to follow the advice of one of its own Members, and one of its own 'temporary elective dictators, dependent upon its own corrupt and prostituted votes,' which has been truly called 'the most odious of all forms of tyranny,' to 'oppose reform in every shape to the end of its political existence;'—and that, to the eternal disgrace of the last House of Commons, it kept this profligate determination obstinately to the last. But your Majesty may be assured, that if your Majesty had not been advised to dissolve the last Parliament in the sudden and unexpected manner in which it was dissolved, the late glorious events which have taken place in France, would have had a mighty effect in shaking this profligate determination of the said House, and of inducing it to consider the difference between the guilt of bringing on death upon a nation by slow poison, or by a sudden blow; and that, by the law of England, there is such a thing as treason against the people as well as treason against the King. Your Majesty may also be further assured, that when great numbers of the nobility, being members of the Privy Council, were charged, in despite of the constant prayers of the Church, with being traffickers of the seats in this House, and that one of the fruits of such traffic, was, not an endowment of 'grace, wisdom, and understanding,' but

an endowment of more than half a million a year of the public money among themselves; and that another fruit was the patronage of the Church, of the Army and Navy, and of the collection of about sixty millions a year of taxes among the families, friends, and dependents of the masters of seats in the House of Commons. If these things had been seriously considered, it is not to be believed that the blood of Englishmen would submit to be for ever tainted with such political disgrace, but that there would have been a race among the said masters, and the buyers and sellers of seats in Parliament, who should be foremost in laying down upon the altar of this country this unhallowed and most damned property, or power of trafficking in the representation of the Commons of England. Your Majesty may consider it as the firm conviction of the people—that if the last House of Commons had done its duty, it ought, upon every principle of justice, to have reduced the taxes at least in the same proportion that it raised the value of the currency, and thus half the present amount of taxes might and ought to have been taken off, including the whole of the cruel and harassing Excise laws, and all those cheating indirect taxes, by which every labouring man who earns and expends 30/. a year, has 18/. taken from him. All the just expenses of the Government, and the interest of the Debt, might have been reduced, with perfect equity, in the same proportion as the taxes, and all the unjust expenses of Government, in useless and sinecure places, the diplomatic, colonial, and all other departments, kept up solely for the purposes of corruption, might and would have been done away with, if the last House of Commons had been the real, and not the sham, Representatives of the people. That the late attempt to destroy the freedom of the Press, and freedom of election in France, and thereby the more effectually to rob the people of that country of their rights and property, never would have been made, if the last House of Commons had had the sense and honesty to have restored freedom of election in England ; that the king of France might still have been upon his throne, and all danger have been prevented from the mischiefs of anarchy and confusion, which have only been avoided by the unexampled wisdom of the brave and learned youth of France, and the splendid forbearance of the brave and honest working men of Paris, who did

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- *' That that House was told, both within these walls and without these walls, that the reason why it felt no sympathy in their sufferings, no anxiety for their relief, was because the majority of its Members had an interest directly opposite to the interests of the people; that this majority was not chosen, as of right it ought to have been, by the majority of the land-owners and householders of England; but was nominated and appointed by a few individuals, who, partly by the effects of time and accident, but still more by a barefaced perversion of the spirit and meaning of our laws and Constitution, had acquired the power of selling, or otherwise disposing of, the seats in this House, in such manner as best suited their own interests.

"That the late House of Commons was also repeatedly called upon, entreated and implored, to set about reforming such a monstrous abuse, but that it uniformly refused to listen to such call; and, though hesitating, fluctuating, and changing, upon other questions of vital consequence to the country, upon this question of reform it determined to follow the advice of one of its own Members, and one of its own • temporary elective dictators, dependent upon its own corrupt and prostituted votes,' which has been truly called 'the most odious of all forms of tyranny,' to 1 oppose reform in every shape to the end of its political existence;'—and that, to the eternal disgrace of the last House of Commons, it kept this profligate determination obstinately to the last. But your Majesty may be assured, that if your Majesty had not been advised to dissolve the last Parliament in the sudden and unexpected manner in which it was dissolved, the late glorious events which have taken place in France, would have had a mighty effect in shaking this profligate determination of the said House, and of inducing it to consider the difference between the guilt of bringing on death upon a nation by slow poison, or by a sudden blow; and that, by the law of England, there is such a thing as treason against the people as well as treason against the King. Your Majesty may also be further assured, that when great numbers of the nobility, being members of the Privy Council, werecharged, in despite of the constant prayers of the Church, with being traffickers of the seats in this House, and that one of the fruits of such traffic, was, not an endowment of 'grace, wisdom, and understanding,' but

an endowment of more than half a million a year of the public money among themselves; and that another fruit was the patronage of the Church, of the Army and Navy, and of the collection of about sixty millions a year of taxes among the families, friends, and dependents of the masters of seats in the House of Commons. If these things had been seriously considered, it is not to be believed that the blood of Englishmen would submit to be for ever tainted with such political disgrace, but that there would have been a race among the said masters, and the buyers and sellers of seats in Parliament, who should be foremost in laying down upon the altar of this country this unhallowed and most damned property, or power of trafficking in the representation of the Commons of England. Your Majesty may consider it as the firm conviction of the people—that if the last House of Commons had done its duty, it ought, upon every principle of justice, to have reduced the taxes at least in the same proportion that it raised the value of the currency, and thus half the present amount of taxes might and ought to have been taken off, including the whole of the cruel and harassing Excise laws, and all those cheating indirect taxes, by which every labouring man who earns and expends 301. a year, has \Sl. taken from him. All the just expenses of the Government, and the interest of the Debt, might have been reduced, with perfect equity, in the same proportion as the taxes, and all the unjust expenses of Government, in useless and sinecure places, the diplomatic, colonial, and all other departments, kept up solely for the purposes of corruption, might and would have been done away with, if the last House of Commons had been the real, and not the sham, Representatives of the people. That the late attempt to destroy the freedom of the Press, and freedom of election in France, and thereby the more effectually to rob the people of that country of their rights and property, never would have been made, if the last House of Commons had had the sense and honesty to have restored freedom of election in England ; that the king of France might still have been upon his throne, and all danger have been prevented from the mischiefs of anarchy and confusion, which have only been avoided by the unexampled wisdom of the brave and learned youth of France, and the splendid forbearance of the brave and honest working men of Paris, who did not hesitate to risk their lives

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saw that a system of tyranny and taxes was about to be fixed for erer on them, and on their children. And in reference to this affair, so important in its consequences, too much praise and thanks cannot be given to your Majesty for the honour you have conferred on England, whose sons were heretofore famed as ' ever first and foremost in the achievement of liberty,' in taking the lead, and setting the example of acknowledging the new king of the French; who, like your Majesty, sits upon his Throne by the best mid highest of all titles, that wliich is suid to bo the voice of God himself; namely, the voie« of the people. For this great honour and service, it is the unanimous opinion of this House, of the whole nation, not to say of all Europe, that this act may justly be ascribed to the personal character of vour Majesty, and to your own sense of justice, and of the true interests of your subjects; and your Majesty, therefore, deserves to enjoy the hope, that your name may be remembered by millions still unborn, for the lasting blessings of peace and friendship between France and England, which this act of your .Majesty has every prospect of cons. And the Mem

bers of this, the tirst House of Commons in the new Parliament, promise your Majesty, as it is fit they should, that if others team nothing bv example they will; 49 they do not doubt that a King who has altvadv given such proofs of his desire of b»<ni; beloved by his people, and of promoting the wettarr and happiness of the industrious classes, that a K.:og, who more IMA thlttv years ago. :vin bis own mouth m P*rii—tot, denounced - monopolies, as the oawkcr of ttte State,' and called upon the Lc£t«afcMr» * to mat (Mas oat." wtil never «**u*» .v see at* people mined, and ats Cvwa Mii .a Want by that worst j< ail »jhWpo**—tfea nsanapahi of the seats w* ^.w Caauw—.. "$o mw M.-*«eac<r:

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every tense of justice, and to their rm interest, as to dare to set tip their usurpitkm against the ancient,just, and undoubtei prerogatives of the Crown, your Major; may rely upon the zealous and determine: support of this House, and of your peep even to the last drop of their blood.

"And your Majesty may be that nothing short of the complete tion of this odious and unrighteous poly of seats in the House of Co will ever satisfy the just and unanswerable demands of your people to be restored to their ancient Laws and Constitution, ot which they know they have been most wrongfully deprived by the corruption and prostitution of this House, within link more than the last hundred years, which ii but as yesterday in the history of laws of such high antiquity, and such transcendent fame throughout the known world. That, next to the disesteem in which the memory of the last House of Commons is held by the people, for refusing to enter upon the great question of Parliamentary Reform, would be the grievous disappointment and just indignation of the people if notbint more than the representation of a few large towns were to be offered them, while the great master-grievance, of a proprietary interest and domination over seats in tba House should be allowed to continue. And your Majesrv may also rest assured, that the great majority of desire to alter the fr meot of Kit which has endured

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namely, — that he was friendly to the cause of reform, and that he was convinced that nothing could relieve the distress of the country, except a change of system, a remission of taxes, and an alteration in the mode of collecting them. He should have been glad had he seen in the King's Speech any declaration which could have led him to expect a remission of taxes. He said this, because he believed that the best interests of the nation were in a state of great depression—because he believed that there was disaffection in the country. Yes, he believed there was disaffection; although, looking at the general state of opinion, he also believed that there never was a better, or sounder, or more loyal sense of public feeling in the nation, than there was at the present moment. He likewise believed that there never was a time when all the measures of reform, retrenchment, and economy, which the condition of our circumstances required, could be affected with so much security. It would have been satisfactory, most satisfactory to him, to have heard an annunciation made by the Government of its intention to adopt such a measure, because he was convinced that it would have placed both Government and Parliament in better odour with the people than it was now likely they would ever be. He had lived and travelled much upon the continent, and from what he had seen and

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what would originally have been best to do, — that was unfortunately past and gone,—but how we should act, to prevent that which was already bad from becoming worse. The course to be adopted to attain that object was, in his opinion, a system of complete non-intervention. He believed that in that opinion he was not singular. When he first heard the Address read over, he thought that,if his recollection did not fail him, he had seen some diplomatic paper, which justified him in the sentiment which he had just expressed respecting non-intervention. He had, since that time, looked over the Debates of the House of Lords, and, to his surprise, he found a diplomatic note, delivered by our minister to the Congress at Verona, bearing the signature of the Duke of Wellington, and declaring the decision of the Cabinet of that day to be in favour of a deviation from the general policy of the Holy Alliance, and in support of the system of non-intervention. There was, in the Speech from the Throne, a most extraordinary sentence, to which he should have occasion more specifically to allude by-and-by. If the meaning of that sentence were, that it was the intention of the Ministers not to interfere, either with the form, or the principle, of the government which the Belgians intended to establish for themselves, or with any object which they might propose to effect, by the assertion of their independence,—if the meaning of that sentence were, that they would only interfere with the consent of France, in such a manner as would put an end to anarchy, and prevent a government from being formed injurious to France,—for Belgium, it ought to be recollected, had been placed in a false position, for the express purpose of checking the aggressions of France,—if the meaning of that sentence, he repeated, were, that Ministers intended to assent to the establishment of a free government in Belgium, the case would be much altered from what be understood it to be; but certainly, as it was at present, it both deterred and demanded explanation. The sentence was as sallows :—" 1 lament that the administration of the King (n king of the NeuWlandj) preserved his dominions from iwraih.

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