namely, the possibility of displeasing a foreign power, on the same ground no question of foreign policy should be discussed, because it involved the possibility of displeasure, and war with the world. He did not mean to say, that Parliament should act with unreasonable jealousy on these questions, but still they were questions well worthy of the attention of Par worthy of praise in these instructions, for they were as likely, as anything could be, to engage us in a war with all the neutral powers in the world. He approved of the acknowledgment of the Queen of Spain, and he thought that the quadruple treaty was a wise and expedient measure; but it should be remembered, that it was framed with the view to promote the interests of Portugal, and not those of Spain. He denied, however, that the additional articles were any necessary parts of the treaty The Earl of Ripon heard the observations of the noble Viscount with very great surprise, for he appeared to leave out of consideration, the whole merits of the case. The whole object of the noble Viscount seemed to be, to wish to show, that the whole case of his noble and learned Friend, rested on some antecedent observations which had fallen in a former debate, from another noble and learned Friend of his.liament. He did not see what there was But was it not notorious, that the observations which the noble Viscount would have the House believe were founded only in popular rumour, had been treated as real facts by the noble Earl at the head of the board of Admiralty? What was said by the noble Earl on that occasion? "That if he had received information, that any foreign state was about to send succour in the way of arms or men to Don Carlos on the coast of Spain, he would have issued instructions to the officer at the port to prevent the landing of the troops." Was it not as clear as daylight, from the noble Earl's observations, that orders had been issued of the nature which he had described? The noble Earl stated, that if there were a hundred ships on the coast of Spain, he would have given such orders. This was sufficient to create great alarm in the minds of any parties as to the course that would be pursued. If, however, they attended to the arguments of his noble Friend at the head of the Government, and abided by the rule laid down by him, their Lordships never would get any information, nor would the Ministers ever give any to either House in any transactions whatever connected with foreign affairs. If they had been told, that negotiations were going on, and that the adoption of the terms of the motion would lead to a failure of the treaty, and that it was impolitic for Parliament to interfere with the Government, under the circumstances of the case, he could imagine that a sufficient reason had been stated for withholding the papers; but if the House believed what had been stated, namely, that the instructions issued had been successful in their object, and had prevented Sardinian vessels entering the ports in the north of Spain with supplies for Don Carlos, it was a by-gone transaction: and, therefore, it was a question open to discussion. If the Boure contented to vestrain the diccaton of the etion on the amd ented by the they were added long afterwards, and were not a necessary consequence of the treaty. He could not conceive, that it was part of the original treaty that they should risk a war with all the neutral governments in Europe for the sake of the Queen of Spain. He could hardly tell what vote he should be induced to give, but he trusted that their Lordships would receive a more satisfactory explanation than had hitherto been presented to the House. If the noble Lord at the head of the Government said, that the public service would be injured by the production of these papers, he hoped that such was his sense of duty that he could not, for one, consent to press the Government for papers which the Minister declared before Parliament, could not be produced without detriment to the public service. But not a single reason had been given as an argument for the non-production of these documents. Of one thing, however, they might be quite certain; and this from the speech of the noble Viscount, that the instructions were sent to the naval officers on the coast of Spain; secondly, that they had had the influence and produced the effect intended; and, thirdly, that there had been no necessity to act upon them in any case whatever. The Earl of Minto said, that notwithstanding the able and eloquent manner in which the noble and learned Lord made his statement to the House, and in which he was supported by the noble Earl, on the ground which he had just stated, it was clear that the motion was nothing more nor less than a fishing motion, to see what could be got from them. The object of it was not to get any instructions which had been acted on, but to call for contingent instructions which had only been framed for temporary and not for permanent objects. He believed, that this was the first time in which such a demand had been made; and should their Lordships agree to the motion, it would certainly be the first time such a demand had been successful. It appeared to him, that there was nothing in the noble and learned Lord's speech which was in opposition to the quadruple treaty and to the additional articles, to which the noble Lord had also been a party, and that they had been faithfully executed. What were the additional articles? The first was, that steps should be taken to guard against the introduction of arms and warlike stores into Spain. It was, therefore, clear what was the object of the second article. The words of the article were" His Majesty, the King of Great Britain and Ireland, engages to furnish to the Queen of Spain, such supplies of arms and warlike stores as the maintenance of her cause may require, and, if necessary, to furnish a naval force." In what way, then, were they to lend assistance by means of a naval force? It was only by preventing the invasion of the country by other states, that efficient aid could be afforded. Might they, therefore, not say, then, that these instructions were framed with the view to restrain those who were hostile to the Queen's Government, and that this was the only effective mode in which they could hope to render assistance? The noble Earl said, that the instructions might involve us in a war with Spain. The noble Earl was no party to the additional articles, but the noble and learned Lord was; and, by the second of these articles, as he had shown, they were required and bound to give the assistance of a naval force to Spain. This was framed on the presumption that some other countries would send, not merchantmen, but men-of-war, to the coast, to take part with Don Carlos against the Government. Their ships appear on the coast of Spain, and the Government then begs aid of its allies, and says, "This is the time of want; you can now be of service to us; will you not give us all the aid in your power?" These were, as nearly as possible, the facts of the case; and he did not see how it could be said, that they gave the co-operation of a naval force if they refused such aid. He contended, that they could not be released from their obligation of preventing the cruisers of the friends and supporters of Don Carlos landing on the coast; and this could only be done by means of armed ships. The noble Earl adverted to the danger which was likely to result from taking such a step; but this was a matter to be considered in reference to the policy of the treaty, and the additional articles and the objects of that treaty had been strictly and faithfully carried out at the time the noble Earl was Secretary for the Colonial Affairs, and in a manner in which he trusted that treaties would always be carried out in this country. If this country was distinguished for one thing more than another, it was for its strict observance of the obligations of treaties with fidelity, and more than fidelity; it had ever been remarkable for a full and entire observance of them, and for never attempting to escape from the obligations of treaties by any verbal quibbles, or nice or technical distinctions. The noble and learned Lord had dwelt at great length on the rights of neutrals, and on the question of blockade. Now, he did not suppose that the Government was charged with issuing orders for a blockade of the coast of Biscay, but the charge was, that certain armed ships belonging to Sardinia, being about to invade the coast of Spain, that he attempted to prevent it by instructions to the naval officers. Lord Brougham denied, that he had said anything respecting the invasion of the coast by the Sardinians and Dutch, but merely of ships carrying arms and stores, and other contraband of war. The Earl of Minto had no wish to misrepresent the noble and learned Lord, but he would proceed to another topic. He was most anxious to pay all attention to the rights of neutrality; but they had no intention to institute a blockade against the trade of other countries. The noble Lord argued as if a gross attack had been made on the rights of neutrals, and yet the whole subject matter of the charge that he brought was, that orders had been issued or warning had been given, to the Sardinians not to send ships laden with arms and other warlike stores to the coast of Spain for Don Carlos. He must say, that if he had thought it to be his duty to issue such officers whose political opinions coincided with his own. For instance, he could mention the names of Admiral Sir R. Stopford, Admiral Ross, Sir George Cockburn, Sir P. Halkett, and above all, the officer with whom he was more immediately connected as regarded this question-he meant Lord John Hay; and notwithstanding what had taken place, his communications were carried on with that honourable man with that perfect degree of confidence and sincerity as if Lord John Hay altogether agreed with him in political opinions. He need not say, that almost as a matter of course, orders and instructions were issued to officers which it was intended should not be communicated to the public. This was the character of the communication which the noble and learned Lord had thought it proper to avail himself of for a political object. Such was not, however, the opinion of the gallant officers whom he had named as belonging to this honourable profession, and such had been the result of his communications with them. He greatly regretted, that this proceeding should have occurred, and he was quite willing to believe, that it would not have occurred if the gallant Officer who sent the communication to the noble and learned Lord had taken a little more time for reflection before he did so. In conclusion, he felt bound to designate this proceeding as one of the greatest acts of indiscretion that he recollected, and if repeated would do more than anything else to impair that confidence which should always exist between officers in the naval service of the country and the Board of Admiralty. orders, he should have also felt it to be his Lord Brougham contended that he bad repeated usque ad nauseam that he had not had any communication with any naval officer on this subject. If there had been any breach of confidence that had been committed by the noble Earl himself, for he it was who had stated in that House what he was surprised that others were acquainted with. It was nothing more nor less than a creation of the noble Earl's brain for him to assume that any officer had told him of these instructions. He was, however, confident that such instructions had been issued, and this arose from the language of the noble Earl himself. He once more denied, that there was any breach of confidence. The noble Earl had stated that a noble and learned Lord had alluded to a person in the naval service. Now, no allusion of the kind was made to any such person; but the person alluded | Government deprecated this motion, and to served on shore, and had nothing to do had entreated their Lordships not to agree with the sea. to it, on account of the inconvenience it would produce to the operations of her Majesty's Government with regard to the proceedings now carrying on in Spain. The noble Viscount said, that the present motion would stir up a question that was exceedingly inconvenient to her Majesty's Government. Now, certainly he was not disposed to create any inconvenience to the Government on a question of this kind, but he begged to ask, was the country to be drawn into a war on the score of the words of a treaty which were stated by the noble Earl to mean, that this country was bound to give the aid of a naval force under this article as under a treaty of defence? That he was sure was never intended to have been the meaning of this article. It had never been so construed, and had never been so acted upon by any Government, or by any of the noble Earl's predecessors. Now, these were the words of the article. First of all there was a preamble, that recent events in the Peninsula made new measures necessary; then it states, that the King of the French engaged to take such measures as would prevent succours of men and arms entering Spain from the French territory, and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain engaged to supply her Majesty, the Queen of Spain, with such arms as she might require, and further to assist her Majesty, if necessary, with a naval force. From this article could it be said there was any engagement to furnish the Queen of Spain with a naval force under all circumstances, and to defend her against invasion? No, certainly not. The naval force there mentioned intended no blockade at all, for there being no war at the time, there could be no blockade; but it was intended to aid the Queen of Spain (as it was first used) in the transport of troops and succours from one part of the coast to another. In short, it was required for the purposes for which a naval force in time of peace was usually employed; but the object of the treaty never was to involve this country in a war; it had never been so taken by Parliament when it was communicated to them; it had never been so stated until the noble Earl, the First Lord of the Admiralty, had done so this evening. It was, therefore, he thought, necessary for their Lordships to intimate, that the words of the treaty meant a naval The Duke of Wellington could assure their Lordships no man felt more strongly than he did, that if any officer in high command had betrayed the confidence reposed in him by the noble Earl opposite, or by her Majesty's Government, such officer was not one of those who deserved the just reputation which belonged to her Majesty's navy. But he did not believe, that the noble Earl would find in that service, at least, as far as he was acquainted with it, one single man capable of betraying whatever confidential instructions were delivered to him by the noble Earl opposite on the part of the Crown. But it should not be forgotten, that such instructions might occasionally come to be known without any participation on the part of the officer to whom they were delivered, and he believed the officers in her Majesty's service to be as incapable of betraying their instructions as any Member of her Majesty's Cabinet. Having said thus much, he must observe, that the present question was not exactly one of blockade, and he confessed, that he was much surprised, from what he knew of this subject, that any question as to blockade should arise on the second article of the treaty. If he was not mistaken, he had a discussion with the noble Viscount opposite (Viscount Melbourne) somewhere about twelve months back, and he had then stated, that there could be no such thing as a blockade under this treaty, and in that opinion the noble Viscount, after inquiring into the matter, concurred. Therefore the motion of the noble and learned Lord opposite did not originate, as had been contended, in a question of blockade, but it originated in the first instance upon a statement made by his noble and learned Friend who spoke from the benches behind, (Lord Lyndhurst), and next on a statement made by the noble Earl opposite himself, the First Lord of the Admiralty, a statement which the noble Earl had again repeated to-night, that he should consider himself justified if he had issued the instructions in question, in case it was found, that any foreign Power was about to send arms to Spain, and then to-night the noble Lord came forward and endeavoured to justify his instructions in reference to the second article of the treaty. The noble Viscount at the head of the force to carry troops, &c., for the Queen of Spain, but for no other purpose. He also thought the House ought to have some further information, in order precisely to know in what position the country stood, before any further proceedings were taken. as to Sardinia, had been extremely impolitic. It was a maxim that Austria had for the last 150 years been the constant ally of this country. Sardinia had always followed the policy of England and of Austria, and to Great Britain had ever been steadfast and true. Before the last general treaty of peace, she had been considered so friendly to this country, that she received a large addition of territory, and acquired increased importance. It was not wise, therefore, for the sake of serving -a miserable party he would not call them, but a party in Spain, from which this country, did not reap either gold or gratitude, thus to sacrifice Sardinia, to which England had been so long attached. He would not further trespass on the House than to entreat her Majesty's Government not to betray her foreign allies one after another, and not to alienate from this country the conservative feelings which in foreign minds was now very considerable. He implored them not by wild acts, which since the wretched conflict in Spain had characterized their policy, to risk the loss of a tried and steadfast friend to gain a new political ally, in whom he much doubted whether they could place the least possible reliance. The Earl of Carnarvon was understood to say, that the noble Viscount had observed, that the noble and learned Lord who had brought forward the present motion had laid no sufficient grounds for the production of these papers. Now, he thought, that after what passed in the course of conversation, even if the motion were founded on mere report and rumour, still the information required ought to be furnished. It had been said by the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Minto) that the danger that might have been anticipated from those instructions passed away, and, therefore, the papers were not necessary; but how did their Lordships' know, that the dangers were passed? Might they not still exist, and be as great as they were two years ago? He thought the country had to thank a sort of chapter of accidents, that with such instructions, the peace of Europe had not long since been broken. He was therefore, for the production of these papers. It might be inconvenient to the Government, but he thought there was much less of evil in the Government being taunted with their lamentable policy in the Spanish affair, than that this country should be dragged into a perilous war, the end and results of which no man could foresee. What security was there but that the humble Sardinians, on being interfered with under these instructions, might read this country a much severer lesson than had the Basque-which it was also admitted were only mountaineers? The noble Earl at the head applicable to contingencies that never had of the Admiralty had inferred from the arisen, should be produced and laid before article of the treaty, that his course the House. In applying himself to state had been sanctioned, because by that the simple and obvious arguments why the article Great Britain had agreed to assist House should not entertain a proposition the Spanish Government with a naval at once so new, so inconvenient, and so force, but from the absolute want of in- destructive of the policy of the country formation from her Majesty's Government towards foreign nations, he should not no one could know whether the orders of allow himself to be betrayed by any anxthe noble Earl were applicable only to Sar-iety which he might personally feel, to dinian vessels, or applicable also to the vessels of all other foreign nations. If her Majesty's Ministers had issued these instructions against nations of greater power than Sardinia, they had exhibited a strange infatuation; but their course, even VOL. XLIV. {T} The Marquess of Lansdowne would not attempt to follow the noble Earl who had just sat down, through a history of treaties and alliances, for that was not the question now before the House. The question now under consideration narrowed itself simply to this-whether the supposed instructions known only, or alleged to be known only, by public rumour and report, and which had been supposed to have been issued two years ago, which it was admitted had never been acted upon state what those instructions were, and to remove the great errors upon which noble Lords had in this matter proceeded, because he was aware that if he went into such a statement of facts, it would be alleged that he was laying grounds for the D |