April 19.-The Rev. AUSTIN DICKINSON, was ordained at Amherst, Mass. as an Evangelist. Sermon by the Rev. Baxter Dickinson, of Long Meadow. April.-The Rev. MILTON P. BRAMAN, as Pastor of the first church in Danvers, Ms. Sermon by the Rev. Mr. Braman of Rowley.

April 19.-Mr. WILLIAM A. SAVAGE to the work of an Evangelist, by the Presbytery of New York. Sermon by the Rev. William Patton.

April 20.-Mr. EBENEZER MASON, to the work of the Ministry, by the Presbytery of New York. Sermon by the Rev. Dr. Knox.

FOREIGN.

RUSSIA. A commission has been appointed by the emperor, to investigate the facts relative to the late conspiracy. This commission consists of several of the greatest characters in the empire; among them are the grand duke Michael and General Koutousoff. If all accounts are true respecting the extent of the conspiracy, they will have business for a long session. There are mysteries to be cleared up; undoubtedly the cloud which partially burst at Petersburgh extended over other parts of the empire.

Count Rostopchin, whose name is associated with the flames of Moscow, died in January.

GREECE.--While the world was waiting to see the fall of Missolonghi and the general rout of the Greek forces, news comes that the Greeks have risen with an energy equal to the crisis which demanded it. There appears to have been much skirmishing and some serious and destructive fighting-in all which the Greeks have had the advantage. The Turkish fleet before Missolonghi has been put to flight by twenty-seven Greek vessels, and the town relieved. Tripolizza, where the Turks were reposing with a well disciplined force, it is said, of 2500, fell into the hands of Colocotroni on the night of Dec. 18, after an obstinate combat in which many lives were sacrificed. We exceedingly regret that the spirit of fierce revenge which showed itself at the commencement of this war, and which we hoped had in some measure subsided, seems to be reviving. "The Egyptians," says the account before us, "and the negroes from Darfour, thrown into a castle situated on a height, were

burnt alive there by order of Colocotroni, in retaliation for the churches they had burned, the monks and priests martyred, and the women and children they had dragged into slavery. We do not pity, so much, the fate of the foreign officers who were found in the ranks of the Mahommedans. Thirtysix of these were spared, to be marched and shown from village to village, as infamous apostates, who, forgetting their title of Christians, have enlisted in the service of the Turks, and shared in all their crimes. The result of his operations at Missolonghi, seems to have occcasioned some perplexity to Ibrahim Pacha, and gave an appearance of hesitation and doubt to his subsequent movements. In the beginning of January we find him collecting his strength at Patras and Lepanto, to the latter of which places he was soon followed by his emboldened and active enemies. A skirmish on the 12th at the village of St. Anne, near Lepanto, was followed by a general battle on the succeeding day. The forces engaged were 10,000 Turks, opposed to 7,000 Greeks. The contest was furious and deadly, and terminated in the defeat of the Turks. A Greek official account says, they fled in every direotion, leaving 3000 dead, 900 prisoners, and 400 wounded. The Greek loss is stated at 800 killed and 700 wounded; but it should be remembered that this account comes from the victors.

A more important battle followed. In seven days from the affair at St. Anne, the victorious Greeks were under the walls of Lepanto. Here their number was increased to 9000, by the arrival of 1500 French and Italian volunteers, with a few cannon and mortars.

On the morning of the 23d the

SOUTH AMERICA.-Callao, the last fortress in the possession of the Spaniards in Peru, was surrendered on the 23d of January; and Bolivar, having finished his work in that country, had resigned his command to the Peruvian Congress, and was about to return to his country, scarcely less deeply affected with the gratitude of the people he was leaving, than they with a sense of his magnanimous devotion to their cause. In Chili also, the show of war has ceased, by the surrendry of Chiloe, the last place which was in Spanish hands in that country.

Nothing very important has yet occurred in the war of Brazil and Buenos Ayres. The La Plata is blockaded by a Brazilian fleet which is sufficient to destroy the trade of Buenos Ayres, but not very formidable for the purposes of

war.

Several of the plenipotentiaries who were to compose the congress at Panama, had arrived there in December.

HAYTI. Upon the publication of the late treaty acknowledging the independence of Hayti by the king of France, much doubt arose from the peculiar style of the act of recognition, respecting the sincerity of the French government. There was an indefiniteness in the provisions of the treaty which rendered it capable of very opposite constructions, and which, we are glad to see, the Haytien President was not so eager to obtain a nominal independence as not to perceive. He felt it necessary to ask explanations, and his commissioners to the French court were instructed to that effect. Explanations, it seems, have not been given, and President Boyer, prudently declines ratifying the treaty in the present state of things. He expresses a hope however that future negotiations may produce the desired result.

DOMESTIC.

CONGRESS.-The Panama question, at our last dates from Washington, was still before the House. Argument, we should think, must have been exhausted upon it long since; but the minority, or rather the minorities in Congress for except in their common cause against the administration, the respective partisans of the late candidates for the presidency show no more fellowship for one another than friendship for the executive-seem to have discovered that breath is quite as good as argument for the purposes of opposition. From the length and aspect of the speeches on this question, it might be thought we were about to become a party to the Holy Alliance, or at least that our nation was to be committed to the councils and entangled in the policy of foreign nations. Except in the halls of Congress, we hear but one voice on this subject, and that is for the mission.

Mr McDuffie's resolutions to amend the constitution, one of which is to prevent the election of President from devolving in any case on the house of representatives, and another to prevent a third election of the same person, have made some progress in the House. On the general subject of amending the constitution, Mr. Randolph made a short, characteristic speech, which we are happy to say-for we cannot say it of all his wild, erratic, harangues-was full of good sense and just views. He would vote, he said, for no amendment of the constitution whatsoever, unless it were to restore it to its primitive state. It had already been encumbered with amendments till nobody could tell what the constitution was. And these provisions and amendments, introduced out of abundant caution, had originated the evils they proposed to guard against. It was their being in the constitution that had given colour to the claims and usurpation under it. Mr. Randolph was for ne quid nimis-for the old doctrine of doing nothingfor a wise and masterly inactivity about

the constitution.

There have been-we are pained and mortified to say-some disgraceful feuds at Washington. In the discussion of the proposed amendments of the constitution relating to the election of President, the disappointed ambition, of parties in the late election has shown

itself on the floor of Congress, in expressions of mutual jealousy and implied charges of corruption. We do not remember an instance of fiercer bearing between individuals in a legislative assembly, than that lately exhibited by Mr. M'Duffie and Col. Trimble Still more dishonourable to the parties, and to the nation, was the late duel between Mr. Clay and Mr. Randolph. Mr. R., it seems, in one of those strangely compounded speeches in which he aims his shafts at all parties without discrimination, and which most people disregard, as being the effasions of a man not perfectly sane,-had let fall the words "gambler" and "blackleg," in such a connexion that Mr. Secretary Clay applied them to himself. bloodless duel was the consequence. What is the measure of scandal contained in these words of Mr. R., we pretend not to know. With Mr. Clay they were of more potency than the decalogue itself. They caused him to forget alike the dignity and duties of his station, the known sentiments of the great majority of the American people, and the express prohibition of that Being whose law is sanctioned by the awful retributions of eternity.

A

We advocated the cause of no party in the late contest for the Presidency: we were inactive in'that "campaign," except to point out the evils which would result from the intemperate manner in which it was conducted-some of which evils, as we have seen, are already manifest; but we now ask, does the con

duct of a man who can violate so many and so solemn obligations as Mr. C. has done in this instance, to say nothing of his former duels, prove him worthy of the station which he holds-worthy of the respect and confidence of the American people?

To express less than our simple abhorrence of duelling, on this occasion, would be to neglect our duty. To express more would be superfluous. Duelling is a matter which does not call for argumentation. Mr. Clay himself virtually declares it to be a mad practice-" an affair of feeling about which we [duellists] cannot, although we should, reason." We quote from his address to his constituents.* "No man holds in deeper abhorrence than I [Mr. Clay] do, that pernicious practice. It is condemned by the judgment and philosophy, to say nothing about the religion, of every thinking man.' Is that man then, we cannot help repeating, fit for the management of state affairs, whose judgment and philosophy, 'to say nothing of his religion,' are of such a character that the utterance of two silly words can drive him to an act which God and his own conscience reprobate? We hope the time is near when the people by their suffrages shall answer, no! We hope the day is not distant, when the man who fights a duel shall be made to feel that his crime is followed by a political, as it has already the primeval,' curse upon it.

* See Spectator, vol. VII. p. 280.

THE following notice of LINDLEY MURRAY, whose death occurred on the 14th of February, is from the London Monthly Magazine for March.

Mr. Murray was a native of Pennsylvania, in North America, but he resided for a great part of his life at New York: his father was a distinguished merchant in that city. He was carefully and regularly educated, and made a rapid progress in learning. At the age of nineteen he commenced the study of law: nd he had the pleasure of having for his fellow-student the celebrated Mr.

Jay. At the expiration of four years Mr. Murray was admitted to the bar, and received a license to practise, both as counsel and attorney, in all the courts of the state of New York. In this profession he continued with increasing reputation and success, till the troubles in America interrupted all business of this nature. He then engaged in the mercantile line; in which, by his diligence, abilities, and respectable connexions, he soon acquired a handsome competency.

Having been afflicted with a fever which left a great weakness in his limbs,

For the Christian Spectator.

THE ERRORS OF CHURCH-MEMBERS NO EXCUSE FOR NOT MAKING A PROFESSION OF RELIGION.

THERE is one description of persons, with whom I have often wished to expostulate. The attitude in which they stand toward Christianity is to me exceedingly interesting. Some of them are found in the midst of almost every religious community, and several of them are of the number of my own personal friends. The class of men, to which I refer, contains many individuals of singular natural endowments, and of high distinction and usefulness in society. A very large proportion of them are distinguished for good sense, stability of character, energy, and enterprise, and have thus acquired a well earned and leading influence in their several spheres of life and action. They receive the Scriptures as of divine authority, and are largely acquainted with the Bible. They have a sincere respect for religious institutions, and cheerfully aid in supporting them. They give a regular and sober attendance on the public services of religion on the Sabbath, and, perhaps, at other times. Many of them have in their houses some family offices of devotion, more or less frequent. Most of them receive the most orthodox or strict explanations of the Scriptures; or, perhaps, have only some suppressed difficulties in regard to what are sometimes called the Harder doctrines. They are, many 1826.-No. 6.

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of them, distinguished for honesty and fairness in all pecuniary transactions, and for integrity and propriety in the relations of life. They have such an opinion of the value of personal religion, as to be pleased at seeing the evidence and the profession of it in their children and other members of their own families. But they do not themselves make a profession of religion-are not members of any church, and do not, of course, come to the Lord's supper, nor bring their children to the baptismal font. They do not pass in the world under the name of "religious men.”

Different persons of the above general description are doubtless prevented from taking the Christian name by different considerations. I

would here speak of those who neglect to make this profession on account of the unworthy example of others, who have made it ; and some of these remarks may have an application to many, more or less correct in their opinions and life, who have learned to think disadvantageously of the Christian name for the same reason.

Most of them have no distinct and avowed hope of their interest in the promises of the Gospel; and to the inquiries of pious friends commonly reply, that they fear they have not so heard the word of Christ and believed on him that sent him, as to have passed from death unto life. Others, with still more decision, tell us they know nothing of the power of religion on their hearts, and have