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It was admitted upon all hands that it into question, and critically examined in performed no part whatever in the practi- regard to the proportion between its cost cal work of government, and for what else and its utility to the country. That it should the nation be called upon to pay it could successfully bear examination on an annual sum far exceeding in amount that ground its most enthusiastic adınirers the aggregate salaries of the entire execu- would not, we suppose, attempt to maintive? The story of its life from day to tain ; and its ad are therefore reday and year to year was to be found in sponsible for thrusting it into a false and the columns of the Court Circular, and to dangerous position. It is on this ground a common understanding it was hard to that the working classes have weighed it, see how anything recorded of it there and they believe they have found it utterly could be construed as being of service to wanting. Their unanimous verdict is that the community at large. To men looking its cost to the nation is very great, its useat it in this utilitarian spirit the whole fulness nil. Further they are of opinion thing appeared an all too costly fetish, the that it is worse than merely negatively extinguishment of which would be a bless- useless. As they read certain facts, it ing

seems to them that the nominal constituEven in the overwhelming numerical tion and policy of the State are prostituted defeat of the parliamentary opposition to to give still more of the public money to the dowry the Republicans hold that there, royalty than is avowedly voted to it. In was a comparative moral victory for them. the House of Commons the Minister for They point to Mr. Gladstone's labored War gravely defends the maintenance ofsinjustification of the demand, and to the ecure colonelcies on the ground that they noticeably large number of liberal M.P.'s are reserved as prizes and rewards for spewho were conspicuous by their absence cially meritorious and distinguished officers; on the night of the division with the pur- and yet they are bestowed upon the Prince pose, it is reasonable to conclude (from of Wales, the Duke of Cambridge, and the evasive answers given by some of other more or less close connections of them when questioned by their constitu- royalty simply because they are such conents as to how they would vote over the nections, since it would puzzle even a dowry), of being able to say that they did courtly minister to point out their special not vote for the dowry; though that plea merits or distinguished services as soldiers. will avail them but little when the time for A government calling itself liberal, and another election arrives.

taking office with retrenchment and In discussing the anti-dowry agitation, economy as their watchwords, answers the Saturday Review - which, though unemployed and starving workmen who strongly monarchical, did not descend to apply for aid to emigrate, that they have the pitiful twaddling of the other papers on no money for such a purpose, while at the the same side-observed that there was no same time they give thousands to fit up room in England for a semi-royal caste. royal yachts and pay the travelling exThis was a remark that went very much penses of royalty's relations. to the heart of the business. In the ex- In proof of the argumentative strength isting state of public opinion there is not of their case, the Republicans refer to the room for such a caste, and the working manner in which those who profess to classes have instinctively seen this all answer them evade the point really at along. To persevere in forcing that caste issue. The advocates of monarchy do not upon them beyond the point at which say that royalty is useful, or is not costly. they showed their patience was exhausted What they say is, that practically we have was a mistake-in the interests of royalty. the best Republic in the world ; that, even Monarchy centred in the Sovereign alone with the expense of our royalty, the total and guided by a policy of non-intrusion cost of our government is probably less might have passed without serious chal- than that of America, since, under the lenge for many years to come; but royalty system of the latter, every member of the becoming a caste and constantly asking legislature is paid; and that, even if the for money on behalf of its members was a cost of royalty was abolished to-morrow, thing which the "responsible advisers" of it would not relieve the taxation of the the Crown might have known would lead country to any appreciable extent. Or to the whole institution being brought else they ask : “Would you, by attempting to subvert monarchy, bring about such a be immediately, sensibly, and permanently state of affairs as that we have lately seen benefited ; our colonies or waste lands in France ?" To this the Republicans made more valuable ; and tax payers ultireply, that though, as compared with other mately relieved to an extent that would be monarchical governments, ours may be worth considering individually. considered as of a Republican character To the question, “Do you want to --that though the sinecurism which is fos- bring about a revolution in this country?" tered by it may perhaps be less costly and the Republicans generally would reply : injurious to the country than the extensive “Only a political revolution led up to and jobbery perpetrated by political wire-pul- carried through by political pressure and lers in America, and though under it there agitation.” This would in substance be is as great liberty of the subject as in any the answer of the grand majority, but there country-that though all this may be, it is are some within the body who would probaaltogether beside the question if brought bly give a more extreme reply. Here and forward as a justification for continuing there among the working classes will be to burden the country with the expense found men whose political ideas are sumof a royalty whose part in the work of med up in the exclamation that a

• thungovernment is a legal fiction. If the fact dering good revolution is what is wanted in of our members of Parliament serving for this country,” and that if “there was one nothing brings the entire cost of our gov- to-morrow they would throw down their ernment within that of the great Trans- tools and join it.” But these are simply igatlantic Republic, the English Republi- norant, self-willed, violent tempered men, cans reply, that it is only to money being who would talk in the same fashion on paid to non-workers that they object. If any other subject on which they happened our present scale of expenditure, or even a to feel strongly. Though they talk exgreater, were necessary to secure efficient plosively, it is exceedingly doubtful whethPrime Ministers, Chancellors, etc., they er, if it came to a practical question, they would not have a word to say against it. would be found to have even the will to As to the non-payment of our members, make a revolution ; and it is abundantly many of the Republicans are of opinion certain that in any case they have neither that it would perhaps be better for the the knowledge nor the power necessary nation if we did pay them. Some of our for doing so. They have not the slightest present class of menibers treat their office idea of warlike organization ; they are too as an honorary one, valuing it only as giv- hot-tempered and open-mouthed to be ing them a handle to their name ; while members of secret societies; and as they it is quite an understood thing that others generally manage to exhibit their violent use their position to promote some sec- and intolerant character in connection tional

interest,” rather than—and if need with workshop or trade or benefit club afbe at the cost of the interests of the na- fairs, their class know them too well to let tion. And for such neglect or derelic- them become leaders. tion of duty, a conscience-salving excuse Then there are the stagey, fanfaronnadis, that members are not paid. That the ing Republicans who hoist red flags, adremission of the money-cost of royalty dress each other as “Citizen," and indulge would not afford any sensible relief to the in high-sounding revolutionary talk. Takindividual tax-payer is, say the Republi- ing advantage of the spread of Republicancans, no answer to the economical argu- ism among the working classes, this meloment for its suppression. That plea, if dramatic clique has of late obtruded itself admitted, would put an end to all attempts before the public rather conspicuously, at economy in State management. Be- and by many has been taken to be the cause you cannot cut down expenditure whole instead of a very small part of the by millions at a stroke, that is no reason Republican movement. If asked whether why you should not retrench upon a small- they aimed at a revolution, these theatric er scale if there is an opening for doing Republicans would likely enough answer so. Besides, the Republicans further ar- that they did, but their doing so would gue on this point : if the money now paid be of no material consequence. If they to royalty were applied to organize State- really have any revolutionary aspirations, assisted emigration, or some other scheme they are impotent to carry them out. of that kind, thousands of the poor might They are few in number, uninfluential, have no man of mark among them, and, late proceedings, they argue that only by

far as any idea of revolution is con- completely disestablishing royalty can the cerned, stand alone and out of sympathy. nation hope to escape from being saddled

The Republicanism existing among the with such a weight. At present the more general body of the working classes—and moderate Republicans would be quite it is only that we have had in view in all agreeable to disestablishment being couwe have been saying is not of a revolu- pled with equitable pecuniary compensationary character in the warlike sense of tion, but under another turn or two of the the term. It is not of an ultra order even dowry screw they would probably incline politically. Indeed Republicanism is to some more high-handed mode of proscarcely the proper name for it. Utili- cedure. tarianism would be more accurately ex- Though English Republicanism exists pressive of its meaning. The best inform- chiefly among the working classes, and is ed among the working class Republicans, only openly avowed within those classes, those best qualified to form a judgment, traces of it are to be found in the middle and whose opinion and example will have classes, and the direction of the spread of the greatest weight in influencing the ac- its doctrine is upward. That some of the tion of their fellows, are not inclined to ablest writers and thinkers of the day are cavil about a word. They know that in essentially Republicans is well known. many respects our constitution is as bene- In short, all the elements of a great Reficial to the country as any Republic could publican party lie ready; and were a Von be, and they would not care what the gov- Moltke in political organization to arise ernment was called provided it was purged among the Republicans, he could make of the (costly) fictional and hereditary ele- them the most powerful section in the ments. That, however, if by any exertion State. Even without the aid of a supreme or pressure upon their part the thing can directing genius there is every probability be effected, those elements shall be eradi- of their speedily becoming a political parcated, they are firmly resolved. Until ty that will enforce consideration from they see some fair prospect of their re- others, if only on account of its strength. moval they will be thoroughly dissatisfied, Stung by the tone of their opponents upon and their discontent will be increased, and the dowry question, the Republicans their Republicanism made less and less spoke out with what many of their nummoderate in tone, by delay. Before the ber now consider an unwise bluntness. dowry agitation many of those who are “Let us,” say these, “have some of the now laboring to establish Republican or- wisdom of the serpent in our proceedings. ganizations among their fellow-workmen Let us not talk of a Republic, though we took no personal interest in politics, while aim at the thing. Let us, if we can, make the few who were actively political had no royalty as an old man of the sea around notion of being anything stronger than the neck of Ministers. Let us chop, and Radicals. The conduct of Ministers and lop, and pare at its branches, and so the press over the Princess Louise dowry weaken even if we cannot cut down the brought a wide-spread Republicanism to stem. Let us strain every nerve to return life as if by magic ; and should monarchi- to Parliament a clique sufficiently numercal Ministers insist upon quartering the ous to form a balance of power' besemi-royal caste upon the public purse to tween the two parties who now make a the bitter end, it would be hard to say to see-saw of government, and therefore also what it might not lead. This matter of sufficiently strong to wring concessions semi-royalty is the sorest point of all with from either of them by threatening to join the Republicans. It alarms as well as the others on any closely-fought partyirritates them. They see how prolific are question. Let us do in a political Rome the children of the Sovereign, they know as political Romans do. Let us be trimthat their offspring stand in closer relation mers and intriguers. Let us aid the Libto the throne than some who are pension- erals of the period so far as their ultimaed solely on the ground of such relation- tum is a step in our direction ; let us join ship, and they ask themselves, Will it not with the Radicals as far as they will go be an intolerable burden upon the coun- with us, and carry ourselves as much fartry to be forced to provide incomes for ther as we can force a way single-handsuch a number? And, to judge by ed.” This is the counsel that is being New SERIES. – VOL. XIV., No. 2.

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given. As, under existing circumstances, tive, and bombastic tone of Republican it is the most practical, the line of action journals and orators hitherto, have been indicated in it will, in all probability, be instrumental in causing the higher class of adopted in substance. Whether, howev. Republican writers and thinkers to hold er, such a comparatively “mild” policy aloof from any movement for practical will be adhered to for any considerable organization. length of time is another question, since, Even with all its present imperfections on so far as may be judged from "precedent," its head, however, English Republicanism Ministers will soon be making further re- is not a thing to be contemptuously “daft quisitions upon behalf of royalty. aside.” On the contrary, any one acquaint

That among those whose political cry ed with the real facts of the case, and at all is now Republicanism there are some who skilled in reading the signs of the times, will have wrong and foolish ideas upon the understand that it is a thing that it will be subject—who think that under a Republic dangerous to treat with either real or affectall things are necessarily pure, and every ed contempt. In so far as Republicanism man sure of constant work and a comfort- means Utilitarianism in Government, the able living-that there are English Repub- spirit of the age in this country tends tolicans holding such ideas as these, no can- wards it. In time it must become the predid person having a knowledge of the dominating opinion practically, even if not opinions existing among the working nominally. Any danger to the State that classes will for a moment attempt to deny. there may be in it would lie in its being Nor would one with such a knowledge goaded into premature attempts to assert deny, either, that others, though calling its supremacy. It has great thinkers in themselves Republicans, are really level- its ranks, and hosts willing to serve its lers--men who, if they had their own way, principles disinterestedly; but as yet it would not be content with merely stop- has not statesmen capable of carrying on ping the granting of State pensions to the practical work of Government, and non-workers, but would likewise try to until it has them it would be a disaster annex portions of self-earned incomes; for it as well as for the nation at large if who profess to be at a loss to understand by any coup or fluke it was able to seize why any other man should have more than the reins of power. Acting statesmen are them, and to consider it a perversion of bound in the interests of all concerned to the laws of nature that other men do resist the too rapid advance of Republihave more than them. It is equally true, canism, but they are equally bound not to too, that the weekly newspaper which is oppose it in a manner that is calculated the chief “organ” of Republicanism is to urge it to extreme courses. The rate often blatant and scurrilous, and habitually and manner of its progress is in a great shows even a greater disregard than news- measure in their hands. The Republipapers generally for the courtesy that cans do not expect any great or sudden should characterize honest political discus- concessions. They have no notion of sion. In short, English Republicanism, anything in the shape of dethronement. while having its good points, has also its They do not aim at taking away or reducblots, of which these are the chief. But ing the present payment to royalty. What they are only its blots; they do not, as they seek-looking at matters practically, many people suppose, constitute the thing and having regard to the spirit of comproitself. Among the working classes Re- mise that so largely enters into English publicanism has superseded Radicalism. politics--is to prevent the cost of monarThose who form the bulk of the Republi- chy being increased; to keep it strictly cans do not expect impossibilities from a within its

openly and directly avowed limRepublic, and are not so foolish as to hold its; and generally to pave the way to such levelling doctrines, while the better edu- a state of affairs and opinion that when cated among them, even when agreeing another than the now reigning Sovereign with the arguments of the newspaper re- came to be dealt with, a materially differferred to, deplore and condemn its bad ent arrangement-possibly an amicably taste—not only as bad taste, but also as settled abdication-could be effected. being an injury to the cause of Republi- they find themselves making reasonable canism, since there can be little doubt advances in this direction, all will be well that the coarse personality, violent invec- If they find that they are defied, and their views set at nought, there will be a repe- versal political creed of the working classtition of such work as there was before the es—the classes who, when they had not a repeal of the corn laws—perhaps worse. tithe of the political power they have

In conclusion we repeat that to believe now, forced free trade and reform from that the anti-royalists in England are the obstructives who stood in the way of “ rare exceptions" is a dangerous error. those measures as long as they dared. Republicanism is now practically the uni

Temple Bar.

HERSCHEL AS MUSIC-MASTER.

FROM THE GERMAN OF ELISE POLKO." It would be difficult to recognize in the his color was bright as that of any Highbusy and flourishing town of Leeds, sit- lander. uated on the river Aire, and capital of the By his neighbors he was called the West Riding of Yorkshire, with its hun- Foreigner," but for the Leeds folk he dred thousand inhabitants, the Leeds of was “the handsome music master;" at a hundred years ago, containing some six- least, his pupils had given him this flatterteen thousand people. The Leeds citi- ing title. But his true name was Friedrich zens thought that a more beautiful spot Wilhelm Herschel. It was not an easy could not be found.

name for English lips, and they therefore The Yorkshire hills towered above them, ignored it. Herschel was the son of a the breeze blew fresh in the valley, and musical composer in Hanover ; he had many a one sighed as he turned his face

come to London for the sake of increasing homewards to the narrow streets, where his musical knowledge. He had then been even in the warm glowing summer days it engaged by the Earl of Darlington, to train was dark and gloomy. Those houses the choir at Durham.

When his engagealways looked gloomy, gray, and mouldy, ment there ceased, he came to Leeds, the windows always carried a dejected air. highly recommended by the Earl, and for Not a morsel of green was to be seen at the present settled himself in that town, windows or on window sills. Indeed, no one as music-master, with the hope of hereever thought of having plants or flowers in after removing to Halifax, and becoming the dark rooms of those gloomy streets. organist of the church there, its organist The good people of Leeds were only too being old and infirm. happy to be able to get a look at trees and In Leeds, Herschel had every chance flowers in the green valley of the Aire; of success, for its only music-master was or, when by chance they had an opportu- aged, and becoming deafer every day, and nity of visiting the gardens of the nobility more and more addicted to the snuff-box. and gentry in the neighborhood.

There could be no doubt, that the lovely But there was one exception, for in one hands and fingers of the fair young

ladies of those narrow streets, and in one of those of Leeds required better supervision than gloomy houses, flowers were to be seen, their poor old music-master could now on a very neat temporary window sill. give them, and they soon took advantage There were pots of flourishing migno. of their opportunity. Indeed, they could

. nette, rosemary, and some very pretty not get a better master than the blue-eyed evergreens. These flowers belonged to a foreigner, who spoke such charming broken foreigner who lodged there in the year English. Never had there been heard in 1758. Every morning his neighbors saw Leeds so many spinets, or so few false him bending over his dear flowers, tend- notes, as in the time of the foreign musicing them with gentle reverence. The master. young man—as was the fashion of those When Herschel played the organ in the days-wore his hair powdered and tied great church in Leeds, the House of God up behind. He had an intellectual brow, was like a beautiful flower garden, so Bright eyes, and a mouth speaking of crowded was it with youth and beauty. genuine happiness; his tout ensemble was Still, notwithstanding this, Friedrich Wilparticularly pleasing and striking, and helm Herschel was only a poor music

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