not at this day have been an abfolutely neceffary policy for the prefervation of the con nexion. AT firft it was faid the Parliament was not competent to enact for the falvation of the Proteftant power in this land; but driven from that feeble hold the oppofition then appealed to the paffions of the people-they' fled from the knowledge of the Parliament to the ignorance of the community, and found their reward in the huzzas of a mob. Ar length the terms of Union have been fubmitted to the representative body, and to the nation at large, they were stated to the House with fingular perfpicacity, and they are now. before the people of Ireland, not for decision, for the Parliament is the conftitutional voice of the land, but for their ferious and fober investigation ;-let us then deliberately, without prejudice, without paffion, without party, look into the terms of Union proposed by Great Britain; if they are found liberal, we cannot hesitate; if they require modification, the Parliament can modify, can alter, can improve-but Union is neceffary, and our duty is to fecure the best conditions :-it is not like a befieged citadel that muft furrender at difcretion-no-you can hold out; you can negociate the terms of admiffion upon equality of right, and upon the power of poffeffion; you can fafely refufe this, alter that, and in fhort fhort new model the whole, if the whole upon investigation should appear defective to the end propofed, but ftill that end muft, for our own good, be kept in view; it is a negociation between two men of equal right but not of equal power, yet whofe united ftrength is reciprocally effential to the wellbeing of both, but particularly fo to him who is naturally the moft feeble; this Union of ftrength is the guardian of his existence, while to the being of the ftronger it gives additional fecurity. It is a matrimonial contract, where there is a complete community of goods, and where the ftronger is bound, not only by the written terms, but for his own happiness, to nourish and protect the weaker veffel ;—it is a partnership for reciprocal benefit, where the parties conjoin their capital and their induftry for the attainment of present security from want, and of future wealth for themselves and their pofterity;-it is a perpetual peace, agreed and ratified between two powerful and jealous neighbours, in which the interests of both are eternally fecured, and the tranquillity of both eternally confirmed;—it is a peace which enables the hufbandman to fow in fafety and to reap in fecurity; in which the artifan may work undisturbed and enjoy the honeft fruits of his labour; in which Science may flourish, and fhelter her children from the benumbing blafts of penury; in which Commerce, moving by right under the protection of power, muft expand her wings, and and vifit with confidence, with fafety, and with profit the remotest regions of the globe; it is the fhield raised by the arm of Minerva for the fupport and protection of national liberty; it is the Ægis of reason, deftructive of democratic daring, and inftrumental to the happiness of man! I HAVE called it a political marriage-it is fo-and death alone can diffolve the contract. In this point of view it appears advantageous to Ireland, for fhe is the weaker veffel, and although fhe brings a great connexion along with her, yet her portion of property is trifling compared to the riches, the poffeffions, and the immense power of her hufband. LET us look into this fubject; let us examine the population and trade of Great Britain, and the population and trade of Ireland; let us place the one opposite the other, and see on whofe fide the benefit of Union will be confpicuous; let us then examine the terms proposed by Britain to accomplish that Union, and let every honeft man who already poffeffes property, and every induftrious man who is endeavouring to acquire it, calmly and coolly look into the statement, and convince himself whether by Union his property would be fecured to himself and his pofte rity, rity, and his industry more certain of its me rited reward. Population of Great Britain, 9,000,000 4,000,000 Difference in favour of Britain, 5,000,cco I TAKE the population of Great Britain at nine millions; it has been calculated at ten. I take the population of Ireland at four millions; it has been called five-and Dr. Duigenan with laborious ingenuity makes it but three-truth may lie between.-Mr. Bufhe was indefatigable in his endeavours as precifely as poffible to ascertain the point; his public station gave him great opportunity; he had returns repeatedly from every parish in the kingdom, and in the year 1788, his calculation exceeded the number I adopt in forty thousand fouls. In the last twelve years of profperity the progrefs of population must have greatly increafed, notwithstanding the war with France, and the recent partial rebellion.—I adopt the medium number as the moft reasonable; here then, we find that in four millions uniting for focial fecurity with nine millions, Ireland has an advantage of more than two to one over Great Britain; and by the confolidation of their phyfical power, fhe has treble fecurity for her property and her peace; fhe has the fecurity of of her own phyfical force, to which is fuperadded the double phyfical force of Great Britain. It is, therefore, palpable that the confolidation of the population of the two countries would be decidedly advantageous to Ireland, in as much as three are numerically fu rior to one. THE Commerce of Great Britain is immenfe; protected by the most powerful navy that ever was known, it moves in the midft of war from port to port and from clime to clime, with all the fafety and punctuality of peace; hence the inexhauftible ability of Great Britain to continue a conteft which has for its object the prefervation of focial order, not only in Europe, but in every regulated ftate in the world. Her trade is univerfal, and its increase, ascertained by public record, is not to be paralleled in the history of any other commercial country. Let us look for a moment at the rapidity of its progress. |