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ifcotland has, fince that time, continued to keep the fame proportion of pace with England, which it had done for a long series of years before, the exports of Scotland muft at this time amount to at least two millions annually whereas, the average annual foreign export of Ireland, for the laft feven years, ending Lady-day 1797, amount only to one million fterling, But there remain yet more decifive proofs of the fuperiour industry and enterprife, and of the relatively fupetiour state of profperity in Scotland. The greater extent and multiplicity of commercial correfpondence evince the former; and the greater quantity of shipping, and greater produce of revenue, fhew the latter, In the year 1797, the receipts of the poft office in Scotland amounted to 109,793.; whereas, in the fame year, the reciepts of the poft office in Ireland amounted only to 68,256/.* In the year 1793, the register tonnage of fhipping belonging to Scotland amounted to 159,175, in 1795 to 145,391, and in 1797 to 136,532; whereas, in the year 1793, the regifter tonnage of fhipping belonging to Ireland amounted only to 67,790, in 1795 only to 58,765, and in 1797 only to 53,181. In the year 1797, the net produce of Scotch revenue amounted to 1,487,000%; whereas, in the fame year, the net produce of Irish revenue amounted only to 1,437,516.

Now, taking together all these facts, refpecting that country to which nature has been fo unpropitious, and on the poverty and wretchednefs of which, at and be

There may probably be more franking here than in Scotland, but it cannot account for the difference between 68,000!. Irish, and 109,000%. British; for, it has been calculated, and is generally believed, that two-thirds of the correspondence carried on by means of franking, 4 would cease to exift, if franks could be no longer obtained.

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fore the Union, the enemies of fuch a meafure for Ireland, feem to defcant with fatisfaction; and adding the univerfally admitted fact, that Scotland, during the greater part of the eighteenth century, has advanced in far greater proportion than England itfelf; it appears, that the Union of Scotland with England has greatly promoted its profperity, as well as its tranquillity and fecurity. We have no reafon therefore, from the experience of the measure in Scotland, to dread a Union of this country with Great Britain as the blight of our blef fings, but rather to hail it as an event, aufpicious to our profperity, as well as to our fecurity; if, in truth, any state of things can with propriety be called prof perous, in which there is no intrinfick fecurity.

But, be the great national benefits refulting to Ireland from a Union what they may, it feems, that the circum-. ftance, of one hundred commoners, and thirty lords, attending their parliamentary duty in England during half the year, will ruin the city of Dublin; and therefore, the measure is to be indignantly rejected, without farther confideration.

Now, what will be in fact the different ftate of circumftances as to the city of Dublin? fimply, that one hundred and thirty perfons of confiderable property, will spend one half of the year in London instead of Dublin. These very perfons would, in the prefent ftate of the two kingdoms, spend a confiderable portion of their time and property in England, in the long intervals of parliamentary duty, It is natural, and perhaps proper, in men of their rank and fortune, to improve their minds, and by confequence, improve their

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their country, in frequent perfonal intercourfe with the rank and property of the great fifter kingdom. Such intercourfe is neceffary alfo, to preferve and promote cordiality of fentiment, uniformity of habits, and correfpondence of opinions and principles, on the great fubjects of constitution and policy. It is the men of rank, property, and education, who ultimately lead the opinions, and form the habits, of the most important part of fociety; and therefore, the more fimilar fuch leading characters respectively become in both countries, the more fimilar by degrees, will refpectively become all the orders below them; and the more efpecially, and the more effectually, when the chaẩm between the ranks in this country, fhall, in the progress of industry and enterprise, and their fure confequence diffufion of property, have been filled by thofe useful orders of men, who bind together the higher and lower ranks, and who give to each, virtues, which, without their intervention, would for ever remain unknown. These one hundred and thirty perfons, having performed their duty in parliament, will then most na. turally, and it may be faid, neceffarily, in order to vary the scene, to preferve and improve their local interefts, and to regulate their property, retire to their country, and there, among their conftituents, employ their time, their property, and improved understandings, in useful intercourfe, and valuable improvements, The probability follows, that more of their property will then be spent in their own peculiar country, and particularly more among that useful race of men, the peasantry, than in the prefent state of things. And, if the country at large improves and flourishes, it is weak indeed to fuppofe, that the capital will not be

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abundantly fupplied with thofe, who having acquired affluence, will feek, in the gratification of all the defires generated by wealth, the fuperiour conveniencies of a large and commodious city. It is not merely by the nobility and higher gentry, that luxuries and expenfive conveniencies are affected. They who are daily gaining riches and confequence, by means of their own industry, or the industry of their fathers, (and their number must conftantly increase,) are generally the most profuse in their expences: they aim to furpass in costly appearance, those who are their fuperiours in rank; and though their conduct may be individually unwife, yet the active induftry of fociety is promoted. Befides, in the court of the chief governor; in the general refort to the courts of law; in the feat of the univerfity; and in the centre of aggregation, which the habits of ages have made unchangeable, there is more than fufficient fecurity, that an abundant proportion of the rank and opulence of the nation, will conftantly contribute to the full fupport of the city of Dublin.

Surely, every county and town in Great Britain, except Middlesex and London, has equal reafon to complain of the periodical residence of its nobility and representatives at the feat of government, as any of the counties or towns in Ireland. The counties and towns. In Great Britain, are in general as diftant from the feat of government, as thofe of Ireland, and as tenacious of their particular interests: but, experience and common fenfe have long taught them, that the reciprocal benefits, derived to and from the different parts of the fame ftate, are fo multiplled and fo mutually enriching

riching, as to annihilate all confideration of the occafional or periodical change of refidence of any of its fubjects.

But, if the city of Dublin particularly, needs an example to calm its apprehenfions, it has but to look to Edinburgh; which, in common with the rest of Scotland, has gradually flourished fince the Union; has, not only, increased in inhabitants, in wealth, and in extent, but rivals in beauty and magnificence, and in a numerous nobility and gentry, the greater part of the capitals of Europe.

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To reprefent the benefits of Union, however, or to answer objections to it, we are told, can nothing avail; for that, if it could be demonftrated, that the measure is fraught with the pureft bleffings, or even necessary to our existence, yet the parliaments of the two kingdoms are incompetent to the accomplishment of it. But, if parliament be incompetent to accomplish a meafure of extraordinary benefit to the community, there must be some other power which is competent, and which must be reforted to for the purpose: for, it cannot be admitted, that fo melancholy an abfurdity can exist in our conftitution, or in any wife or rational constitution, as an utter incompetence to adopt, any new regulation of ftate, or any change in the fyf tem of fupreme authority, which may be found neceffary to fecurity, or, in any other way, productive of great publick utility. Yet, our conftitution, from its earliest history, to its laft improvement, has recognised no other power, by which fuch great purposes can be effected, than the concurrent will of the three eftates of parliament. This concurrent power, has

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