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and mutual fupply of their peculiar wants, will then (fo far as regards these islands) be no longer vifionary.

The very circumftance of being divided by a narrow fea, instead of furnishing a reason for fuppofing that Providence intended they should ever remain separate states, points out the fuperiour utility of their political Union. It enlarges the extent of common coasts; it tends to increase their common commerce, and to augment their common wealth; it contributes to multiply that bold and hardy race of men, upon whofe skill, activity, and gallantry, depend the fafety, dignity, and profperity, of this maritime empire, formed to be the great defence of human rights; it affifts to fpread wider our shipping through the world, to extend our influence, and to add to our resources; and, in varying the peculiarities of human character, which various fituation occafions, brings more varied occupation and pursuit to operate, to the great common and valuable purpose, the publick good.

Neither need Great Britain be at all apprehensive of any lofs to her by the gain of united Ireland. The world is fufficiently wide for both. Befides, it has long been discovered, that industrious nations thrive not by the poverty and lofs of their neighbours, but by their wealth and profperity; for fo has nature diverfified this earth and its inhabitants, that the poffeffions as well as wants of different countries contribute to common benefit. Were Great Britain and Ireland, acting upon the principle of distinct and therefore frequently inconsistent intereft, to counteract each other by hoftile commercial laws, they might easily drive to foreign coun

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tries, the advantages which each is peculiarly fitted to purfue; whereas, by compleat confolidation, by acting under the fame regulations, more various arts may be preferved and cultivated in the common territory, more various claffes of ufeful fubjects may be employed, and the more effectually and happily may the purfuits and productions of each country, and of every diftrict of each country, be extended to their fuil capability.

In fuch a scene of things, it is not improbable indeed, that the comparative consequence and power of the ariftocracy of Ireland might become fomewhat abated. They would no longer rule this country in the form of a fmall faction, commanding the greater and diftributing the leffer favours of the state; but, mingled with the other great interefts of, the empire, would learn to underftand and to refpect the nature of a ufeful gradation of ranks and, instead of forming an anomalous and diftracting imperium in imperio, would fill their proper and important place in the fcale of government, Hitherto a destructive chaẩm in fociety has long subsisted between the higher and lower orders of the community; in confequence of which fympathy and intercourse having been excluded, the prejudices and bad fentiments, which the natural fituation of each fosters in minds not corrected by néceffity or difcipline, have had full fcope to operate, and have not only prevented mutual cordiality and usefulness, but have promoted fraud and lawlessnefs on the one fide, and infolence and oppreffion on the other. But, in a state of fociety grow'ing daily more fimilar to that of Great Britain, in which every order takes its just fituation in the great system of fubordination, and in which rank approaches and blends

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into rank, mutually supporting and fupported, self intereft, neceffity, opinion, every powerful principle, bind together the community, form a chain of good offices, and at once fecure the tranquillity and improve the character of the nation. We fhould then hear not long of an overbearing ariftocracy or gentry, too many of whom (certainly not all, for we have happy exceptions) have taken little interoft in the condition or fate of their inferious and dependents; but, in the progreffive improvement of fociety, we fhould fee an ariftocracy, the chief in example as the chief in rank, as eminently the stewards as the favourites of Providence, who, confidering their own interefts as interwoven with the interests of the lowest in the community, would regard with ferupulous obfervance the fair claims between man and man, would fubdue inveterate prejudice by manly intercourse, and, in a career of enlightened beneficence, enlarge the general happiness ;-characters, allied to thofe whom after ages venerate,

Quique fui memores alios fecere merendo.

The complete consolidation of these kingdoms, however, chiefly impreffes the mind of every friend to Great Britain and Ireland, in its powerful tendency to give to the British Empire ftrength and ftability; in which is neceffarily involved the fecurity of our liberties, our laws, and our religion.

In any other cafe than the prefent, in which preju dice, pride, and party spirit take fuch a lead, one fhould fuppofe, that the mere statement of the fituati, on of these kingdoms, would fatisfy every man who

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has at all confidered human affairs, that the nature of our connexion tends to difunion and weakness, and that in compleat Union only, can rational hope be found of permanent ftability.

It is not pretended that the best concerted Union, though it might immediately add force to the exertions of the Empire, and imprefs enemies and traitors with awe, would operate as by magical power, and inftantly compose the violence, eradicate the fecretly working mifchief, and change the character of this country. No-We are well aware that we must now brave the fury of the ftorm: and, under the aufpicious lead of Great Britain, we hope and look for, a favourable iffue to the conteft, in which we are engaged with jacobin France and the jacobins of Ireland. But the fiery trial through which we are paffing, may well make us dread, and prepare againft, the confequences of fuch a future day.

The return of peace will remove the imminent danger which unites the loyal and makes them vigilant. It will also remove the extraordinary reftraints which neceffity has impofed, but which, however neceffary in the present conflict for existence, make part of the evils of a war impofed upon us, and would be incompatible with established peace, from which we hope for the advancement of national profperity and power, in all the freedom of exertion congenial to our happy conftitution. But we cannot expect that, notwithstanding peace, reftlefs and ambitious France would cease to forward her fchemes against the British power; neither are we to expect that, in a period of peace, the difaffected at home

home would not bufily employ themselves, in preparing, under fpecious pretexts, thofe various political measures, which operate by fure though perhaps moderate gradations, to the fubverfion of established go

vernment.

In the meantime, the prejudices and jealoufies that fubfift between these kingdoms, the prodigious spread of democratick principles in this country, the distinctnefs of the two fupreme authorities, the growth of the national spirit of independence, and the increase of popular influence, prefent to the intriguing spirit of France, moft prolifick fources of disorder! and, should new conflicts with the fame depraved and destroying power hereafter become neceffary, it appears morally certain that, in fome of them, diftraction of counfel and difunion of operation, would fupply what might be wanting to realize the schemes of the enemy.

Now, on reviewing the evils produced by the nature of our connexion, which in former times diftracted and afflicted this country, and on confidering the dangers which, under all the circumstances of our fituation, are connected with and must neceffarily flow from feparate and independent legislatures, what profpect of permanent stability remains but in a legislative Union, which shall confolidate our interefts, authorities and powers? If the wealth, power, and loyalty of the Empire be divided, a facility is prefented of being wrought upon by vicious influence, or awed by the menaces of force: but a united legislature would givę to the incorporated kingdoms a grand and refistless phalanx, of the rank, property, abilities, and fidelity

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