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latter 580,7231. fo that in ten years the increase of export to Ireland was more than in an equal proportion to the increafe of export to the reft of the world". It follows not hence, that a lefs quantity of woollen goods was manufactured in the year 1798 than in the year 1788, either in Ireland or in the rest of the world; but it may follow, as the fact is, that in the progrefs, of nations, Ireland, as well as the reft of the world, but in greater proportion than in many parts of it, has, within the last ten years, increased in riches, and particularly in the numbers of thofe defcriptions of people, who have acquired the means of purchafing the finer woollens which Britain fupplies. In the coarfer woollens manufactured at home, we see the great body of our numerous population cloathed; and this is abundant proof, that whenever circumftances fhall make in our intereft, to extend or vary this branch of industry, we have it fully in our power. But it is acknowledged that Ireland works up all the wool it has, and it is added that there is little reason to expect that the quantity will be enlarged, as the increase of the linen manufacture and of agriculture gives a greater profit in land than sheep afford+. Is it not obvious therefore that Ireland is now in poffeffiou of other means of profperity, which it would be folly to facrifice to the premature and forced cultivation of certain branches of manufacture, which other parts of the fame empire, (an empire every loyal man wishes to be one in intereft) happen to cultivate with peculiar skill and to profperous effect?

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In the cotton manufacture alfo, particularly in the coarfer branches of it, which do not require fuperior skill, and which are beft fitted for common confumption, confiderable advances have been made. The cotton manufacture established and conducted with great fpirit and on great capital by Meffrs. Orr, (natives of Great Britain) affords a moft refpectable inftance indeed of what may be done in this country, when the advanced state of Ireland' fhall give an equally cheap raw material as Britain procures, and shall afford from more effential occupations a fuperfluity of capital.

In the manufacture of Iron for the more general and useful purposes of life, fome spirited efforts have been crowned with fuccefs. Not to mention others, Mr. Blair's extenfive works on the River Liffey near Dublin, furnish a ftriking example of what may be effected. Even in what is called the pottery manufacture, this country has proved itself not incapable; and that it poffeffes all the requifite natural advantages in a fuperior degree, has been fully fhewn*. And till now it has not been denied, that capital, enterprise, and skill, are only wanting to raise Ireland by degrees, to the higheft ftate of profperity in which cultivated arts can place a nation. No doubt, until long establishment has given capital and skill, it may be neceffary to encourage those who have engaged in manufactures in which Great Britain has long excelled,

* See Obfervations on that part of the Speaker's Speech, which relates to Trade.-See alfo Mr. Wedgwood's Evidence before the Houfe of Commons in England, in May, 1785.

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by fixing upon fuch articles, duties which may preserve to our own rising fabricks the home confumption, which home confumption in a populous country is always fufficient, in a reasonable length of time, to establish whatever employment the circumftances of a people fit them to purfue. Such encouragement makes part of the plan of Union laid before his Majefty. Whatever capital has been embarked, therefore, and whatever industry exerted, under existing laws, in any infant undertakings, have compleat effect fecured, fo far as may be confiftent with the collective good of the country. Under fuch encouragement for a confiderable time, (and in justice and good policy, it ought to be for a confiderable time) the capabilities of fuccefs in various pursuits will have taken root, whilft thofe in which we could but ftruggle by the aid of a tax upon the consumption of our people, will gradually yield to others in which capital may be more beneficially employed.

In one branch of manufacture we are confeffedly unrivalled; and the increasing demand from other countries, particularly from the great Continent of America multiplying with people, opens to industry and capital a field for enterprise of indefinite extent. In agriculture, notwithstanding the increased produce of corn, at the expence and under the operation of bounties, this country is in an incalculable proportion inferiour to Great Britain; and yet, its very fuperiour foil, and

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*The contrary is indeed most strangely infinuated in the Speaker's Speech, page 106, where it is faid, that Ireland supplies largely that kingdom whose prosperity we are desired to imitate, and who cannot maintain itself. It is furely an extraordinary inference that, because

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numerous people, render it peculiarly capable of furpaffing almost every other country, in the bleffings to be derived from this prime fource of national wealth and happiness. Look to Great Britain, and obferve the quantity of capital employed in agriculture, the knowledge and fpirit with which it is carried on, and the scene of industry, plenty, and comfort which it exhibits; while in Ireland, ftarved for want of capital, and chiefly conducted by an ignorant and torpid clafs of men, this fine country has hitherto but conjectured what it is capable of, and instead of presenting a race of flourffhing occupiers of the land, the happiest and most afeful members of the community, has too generally exposed a wretched aspect of poverty and failure. To put this country in the fame state of agriculture as that at which Great Britain has arrived, would coft, according to Mr. Arthur Young's calculation, little less than one hundred millions fterling.

Now, whence can we expect an acceffion of capital, knowledge, industry, and enterprise, but from that supereminently flourishing kingdom, with which we are partially connected, and with which a perfect Union

a country occafionally imports corn, therefore it cannot maintain itfelf; for, if the fame country happens to export in a greater proportion than it imports corn, it follows that it can more than maintain itfelf. Now, in the last edition of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, the enlightened and accurate author ftates, that Great Britain imports only a quantity of grain equal to about the five hundred and feventieth part of its home confumption, while it exports a quantity equal to about the thirtieth part of what it confumes; that is, it exports more than eighteen times as much as it imports. And yet it feems Great Bri tain cannot maintain itself! A conclusion, if it were true, unhappy for Ireland as well as for Great Britain.

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must give to all ranks of its people, confidence, and, by progreffive consequences, all the cordiality of copatriotism?

Already confiderable fums have from time to time been lent to this country by Great Britain upon landed fecurity; and it is notorious that a very confiderable ́ part of the trade of Ireland is carried on by aid of Britifh capital. Whatever we can produce which, in any part of the immenfely extended correfpondence of Great Britain, can supply demand, is taken with avidity from Ireland, paid for in advance, and tranfported to the ultimate ports of deftination, to be widely diffufed under encouragement of the indulgent credit given by British wealth. Of the prodigious quantity of our ftaple-manufacture, the linen, fent yearly to Great Britain, above two thirds of the value are paid in advance by the merchants to whom it is configned; and fome British capital has even been vested in establishments of that manufacture in Ireland. In fact, fo connected and interwoven is the profperity of this country with the profperity of Great Britain, that almoft exactly in the proportion that British commerce has extended, the demands for what Ireland can supply have increased, and the affiftance of British capital to call forth that supply has been extended. So fenfible of these truths are many of the northern linen manufacturers, and many leading commercial men in Cork and other convenient sea ports, that no efforts of party violence or affected patriotism, have been able to prevent them from seeing and acknowledging, the acceffion of benefit to be derived, from more intimate connexion with Great Britain.

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