ble exports in a far greater degree than they have dimi nished the imports from Britain; and at the fame time have been productive of jealousy and hoftile regulations on the other fide: a fpirit and a conduct on the part of both, no doubt, almost equally destructive.* But if we confider the political principles, peculiarly inimical to Britain and the British conftitution, fo feduloufly propagated, which have not only poffeffed the unthinking mafs of our people, but have put in motion fo many of the educated; if we add the unfortunately divided ftate of this country as to religion; and then review the deftructive progrefs of France through Europe, and recollect her malignity to Britain as the grand obftacle to her defigns; can any rational understanding conclude, that it remains the intereft of Great Britain, to regard the intereft of Ireland as her own, and to use every means for the promotion of a diftinct profperity, which neceffarily conferring power, may ultimately exalt an implacable foe, upon the ruins of that grand fyftem of civilization, which it has coft induftry, wifdom, and patriotifm, ages to erect? On the contrary, if the reprefentatives from every part of these islands, conftitute the legislature for the whole of Great Britain and Ireland, all the acts of which equally affect both united kingdoms, then are the interests of all fo bound up together, that the motives which have hitherto influenced the legislatures for the diftinct kingdoms, to prefer diftinct interefts, are wholly taken away; nay, the fubject matter no longer remains ; See Lord Sheffield's Obfervation on the Trade of Ireland. for for there can be no feparate national intereft in any part or member of a confolidated ftate, the national intereft and the common intereft being then one and the fame. The laws cannot operate partially; for the famé laws are made for the whole, and there is no feparate intereft to be promoted. Partial regards and, invidious confiderations affect the laws of neighbouring ftates; for the interests of neighbouring states have been, from the beginning of time, almost constantly in oppofition: buç in one undivided state, the national intereft, the grand object of legislation, being the fame, partial regards as opposed to a common intereft, how foever they may-influence individuals, cannot materially affect the general law. We do not find that partial attachments operate in the legiflature of Great Britain, to the detriment of any part, or to the benefit of any part, in oppofition to the common intereft; but, whatever may be the ftruggle of party for political power, and whatever differences of opinion on publick measures may take place, we never hear of the intereft of any particular district being oppofed to the national profperity. Partial attachments must ever be various in a numerous legiflature, and therefore counteract each other; besides, the fear of successful oppofition to partial measures; refpect for opinion; regard for a common caufe, which the habits of consulting on the grand subjects of publick policy naturally beget; the useful intermixture of opinions, flowing from conftant intercourfe and difcuf fion; thefe, and innumerable combinations of fimilar nature noncur to create, union of views, and union of exertion, to a common good. In fuch a confolidation of interefts, the profperity and power of every part, form the profperity and power, and contribute to the ftability of the whole, Confequently, in the united legiflature, engaged in advancing the wealth and greatnefs, not of a separate ftate, but of one undivided and infeparable ftate, every encouragement that an enlightened zeal for national intereft could give, would be extended to every beneficial exertion of every part of the perfectly united empire. The united parliament would be compofed, not of a narrow ariftocracy attended by a tribe of devoted and uninformed dependents, but of the numerous great intereft of the united kingdoms, aided by the various and extenfive information of every profelfion, art, and occupation, of a most active, profperous and enlightened nation. Unembarraffed by the contending claims of diftinct and rival ftates, fuch a legiflature, therefore, would be at once actuated by motive and furnished with ability, to call forth every latent power, and to cherish every rifing effort, in the promotion of particular, and confequently of general, induftry and profperity. One part of a great state, from produce, fituation, or habit, is often capable of cultivating a valuable art, which is, both phyfically and morally, beyond reach of another. This fact in an extended territorý takes place to manifold effect; and by being fkilfully improved, tends to multiply the riches and refources of a country. Such advantages flow, in a confiderable degree, even from intercourfe with foreign ftates; but, in far greater proportion, and to happier effect, in the various and multiplied relations of different parts of the fame country, whereby the peculiar industry, and products, and wants, of vari, ous districts, contribute reciprocally to the profperity effect, to the enlarged profpe of each, and, in entire rity of the whole ftate. Hence, various and extenfive interchange of benefits neceffarily begets correfponding intercourfe; real intereft becomes better understood; prejudice fubmit to experience; and amity and fuccefs, going hand in hand, mutually promote each other. And hence may be inferred, the futility of all thofe invidious ftatements and calculations, which are manufactured by party difputants, for the purpose of fhewing the fuperior advantage of either kingdom in its intercourfe with the other. Thefe are not neceffary to prove that the feparation of Ireland would ultimately ruin Great Britain, or that Ireland could `not exist unconnected with Great Britain. All the garbling, mifnaming, and fophiftry, with which fome of them have been introduced and difplayed might eafily have been fpared.* Thefe Iflands, it appears clearly enough without all this machinery, are formed by nature, by relation, by habit, by common. hope and fear, to coalefce and to become perfectly one, in political effence, form, and energy. But it seems, the woollen, cotton, iron, and pottery manufactories, are thofe in which British capital is chiefly employed, thofe for which Great Britain is peculiarly fitted, and in which her people eminently excel; therefore Ireland in all the enriching arts of induftry, is to degenerate after union, British capital will no longer contribute to fupport her trade, and * See fhamefully fophiftical statements detected in ebservations on that part of the Speaker's Speech which relates to trade, from page 16 to page 29. British British fettlers will be more detered than ever from making, or taking part in, establishments among us. That Great Britain is unaivalled in thofe manufactures is neither to be denied nor regretted; they contribute confiderably to her riches, and to that might which fhe is now putting forth in a common defence. But even in these arts of induftry we have a fhare; and fo far as may be confiftent with the application of our capital, and with our attention to thofe objects for which we are best fitted, and in which we have emi'nently profpered, we may justly encourage the hope of taking, in progreffion, a large fhare. That this country is capable of cultivating the woollen manufacture to confiderable extent is undoubted, from the very inftance, which the oppofers of union adduce, of the profperous ftate of that manufacture in Ireland at a very early period; and from the fact that, for a good while paft, and at this moment a refpectable trade has been and is carried on in the coarfer branches of woollen goods. It may be true that in 1698, Ireland exported woollens to the amount of above 100,000l. and in 1798, to the amount only of 12,000l. and yet in the latter period more woollen goods may have been manufactured in Ireland than in the former period; for, the prodigious increase of her people, and of their ability to purchase cloathing, within the last century, has been fuch as to annihilate any inference which can be drawn from this difference of export. A fimilar obfervation is applicable to the statement that, about ten years ago Britain exported in woollen manufacture to the whole world 4,368,9361. in value, and in the last year, 6,836,6031. and that out of the former there went to Ireland 353,7811. and out of the latter |