compact and regulation, which, if it could have been effected, would in the opinion of those who beft underftand the interests of this country, and who were moft attached to the connexion between the two kingdoms, have materially contributed to prevent the dangers of difunion, and to promote mutual cordiality and benefit. But the fubject being of a nature which neceffarily led to the difcuffion of the distinct intereft, anft the conftitutional rights and independence of Ireland, and confequently a subject into which jealousy and pride easily intruded, party fpirit, fupported by a zealous popularity, had full opportunity to operate, and fucceeded in defeating a measure of great publick utility. The other was an occafion of greater moment. But because, among the leffer cabals of jealoufy and rivalry, it stands pre-eminent as a fuccessful inftance of dangerous advantage taken of a state of political weakness in Great Britain, it has been treated lightly as a folitary example: yet, when fo foon after the confirmation of the compleat independence of the Irish legislature, we find a vast majority prepared to commit the executive authority into the hands of a regency, with powers materially diftinct from thofe then about to be limited by the British legiflature, we rationally conclude, notwithstanding all that has been faid of the operation of good fenfe and regard to mutual good, that whenever new occafions fhould arife, the fame fpirit of independence, grown more confirmed and vigorous, and actuated by the constantly operating motives of ambition, self-interest and party zeal, would impel to fimilarly dangerous conduct, but probably with deftructive effect. We fay, the fame fpirit of independence ;-because, although it is well known, that the fubfequent conduct of that majority,

too

too clearly evinced other motives of action, yet, had the parliament of Ireland been fubject to the fame dependence and contrpul as formerly, the act of the Britifh parliament would have bound Ireland in a matter of fuch imperial concern, and no fuch embarraffing and alarming event could have taken place: befides, though. an independent fpirit in the individual is always attended with other valuable qualities, yet, in party commotion, we often find the meanest characters rallying round the ftandard of independence with hollow and destructive views; just as, among the jacobin preachers on political purity and blifs, we daily fee cold-blooded theorists, whofe individual benevolence is wafted in their univerfal philanthropy.

Such an unhappy caufe as then made a regency neceffary might easily be of very long continuance, during which wars and confpiracies might easily afflict the country. These kingdoms, in the midst of danger and distraction, would then labour under the additional embarraffment, of being governed, not only by feparate legillatures, but by diftinct and inconfiftent executive authorities And upon the fame principles which enabled the legislature of Ireland, to inveft the regency with powers diftinct from thofe limited by the legislature of Great Britain, a different perfon might be entrusted with those powers, whereby the rage of party would aggravate and enforce all the diftraction and inconfiftency of distinct legislative and executive authorities. The occafions for diffenfion between the legislatures are as numerous as the fubject matters of legislation which touch both kingdoms. Such fubject matters multiply with the progrefs of these nations and of furrounding states; and

the probability as well as danger of diffenfion, rife with the importance of the matter, and in the degree that it involves the interefts and fentiments of the community. To the immenfe hordes of jacobins and feparatifts, legif lative diffentions give alarming force: they increase their numbers, difunite the loyal, and furnish legalized ground for intrigue, confpiracy, and all the political machinations, that ultimately threaten the national existence. In the probable recurrence therefore, of differences between the two legiflatures upon important fubjects, the most strenuous oppofers of Union acknowledge manifeft danger to the imperial ftate; and propofe to guard against fuch recurrence by compacts, which shall pro vide, that whenever the legislature of Great Britain fhall adopt certain important measures, the legislature of Ireland fhall be bound to concur and as a com mencement and a fpecimen, an idle and inefficacious bill was introduced laft feffion, with the profeffed purpose of fupplying fuppofed defects in the exifting laws, refpecting the matter of regency, and of preventing in future, the poffibility of difference between the two legiflatures, upon any question fimilar to that which fo nearly committed thefe kingdoms in 1789. All fuch remedies, however, are as futile as they are inconfiftent with the now loudly profeffed principles of those who propose them, and are calculated for no other purpose than to roufe the fpirit of independence into diforder and violence. By the act of annexation the king of England enjoys the title and prerogatives of king of Ireland by virtue of his being king of England, and the crown of Ireland is exprefsly united and knit to the imperial crown of the realm of England. Now, as has been juftly and incontrovertibly obferved, the crown,

that.

that is, the executive authority ruling the realm of Ireland, can be, by virtue of this act, no other than the executive authority ruling the realm of England; and confequently, the perfon exercifing that authority in both realms must be the fame, and invested with the fame prerogatives or powers. But the perfon who fhall enjoy the royal authority, the line of fucceffion in which it shall descend, and the regulation and limitation of its powers, are fubject to the controul of the British legiflature and therefore, in every new cafe that can happen respecting royalty, the parliament of Ireland, by the act of annexation, is bound to await the decifion of the parliament of Great Britain.* The cafe of regency was fully provided for. But if any explanation or confirmation was wanting, the act of the Irish legislature in 1782, whereby it is enacted, that no bill fhall pafs into a law in Ireland unless it be returned under the great feal of Great Britain, was fully adequate to convince the parliament of Ireland, that until the regent was appointed and invested by the British legislature, they could not, confiftently with their own fettled principles of connexion, proceed one step in the important business, but were bound merely to recognise, the decifions of the parliament of Great Britain on that subject; and indeed it is remarkable to recollect, that in the debate on the regency in the year 1789, the force of this act was strenuously urged by a gentleman in office, who on that occafion, acted fuch a manly, difinterested,

* See a condensed demonstrative and eloquent fpeech, delivered by William Johnfon, Efq; in the debate on the regency bill, last fession of parliament.

and

and loyal part, as then gained him deferved refpect, and will ever reflect upon him true honour.

"His loyalty he kept, his love, his zeal;

"Nor number, nor example with him wrought "To fwerve from truth, or change his conftant mind-"

Yet, in defiance of law, remonftrance, and confiftency, the popular paramount principle, that independent Ireland ought not to be bound formally or virtually in any cafe whatsoever, by the British legiflature, influenced a full parliamentary affembly of Ireland, feconded by whatever other motives, to commit to hazard the harmony and dearest interest of both ftates. But we are notwithstanding, told moft confidently, that this act of the year 1782 effectually fecures union and connexion on a firm and lafting bafe, becaufe forfooth it makes the British minifter anfwerable to the British nation, if any law fhould receive the royal affent in Ireland, which could in any way injure the empire, be incompatible with its imperial interefts, or tend to feparate Ireland.* The royal negative is a prerogative of a very delicate nature, and the right has lain fo long unexerciféd, that in an ordinary cafe it would have become obfolete and extinguished. Differences may occur between the concurrent determinations of the two houfes of parliament and the real interefts of the nation, in which the king's diffent may rightfully and ufefully intervene for the publick good: yet even thefe cafes must be attended. with great clearness: for otherwise, parliament and the king might be committed in a doubtful Ntruggle for predominance, of the fad effects of which, Great Britain once had fatal experience, But delicate and dangerous

The Speaker's Speech, page 24,

28