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deftructive plans with the difaffected;-thefe fure circumstances muft neceffarily, if not prevented by Great Britain, urge the country beyond the line of neutrality, and add its power to the power of the enemy. Civil contest enfues, with certainly a train of said calamity, and if Britain fhould fail, as certainly the ruin of both kingdoms.

This is a strong inftance; but in the progrefs in national profperity of these kingdoms, many instances must from time to time occur, tending as certainly, though perhaps not so immediately, to hoftility, fepas ration, and deftruction. We know that at present Ireland enjoys her commerce with the British colonies, plantations and fettlements on the exprefs condition, that whatever duties, fecurities, regulations, and restrictions, the British legislature shall from time to time think proper to adopt, refpecting the commerce of Great Britain with the British colonies, plantations and settlements, fhall be adopted alfo by the legislature of Ireland, refpecting the commerce of Ireland with the fame colonies, plantations and fettlements. also know that on many occafions the fole and exclufive right of the Irish parliament to legiflate for Ireland in all cafes whatsoever, has been afferted in the parliament of Ireland, in the highest tone of proud independence; and that the right of the British legiflature to interfere actualy or virtually, in any cafe whatfoever, with the legiflature of Ireland, has been reprobated with indignation. The progrefs of Ireland in those acquifitions which invigorate the spirit of independence, may most probably induce the people and parliament of Ireland to confider, and confequently to re

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ject, as inimical to their interefts, and as inconfiftent with independence, the duties, regulations and reftrictions alluded to, which new and various circumftances may lead the parliament of Great Britain to adopt, and which the fpirit of jealousy and rivalry may more probably attribute to an idvidious difpofition in the British legislature, directed against the interests of Ireland, than to neceffity and found policy. What confequences enfue? Great Britain refufes the valuable privilege of trading to and from her colonies, plantations and fettlements; proud independent and powerful Ireland infifts upon the privilege as an indifputable right, and continues the important commerce: Great Britain, as proud independent and powerful refifts the exercise of the alledged right :-a train of events ending deftruction neceffarily follows.

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Nay farther. Inferring from experience, it may be pronounced, that Great Britain in her imperial course, if not prevented by events to be ever deprecated, will extend her Empire and acquire new fields of exclusive commerce. These advantages will be attended with terms and compacts, refting upon the sanction, and ultimately modelled by the wisdom of parliament. In the meantime, diftinct interefts, guided by legiflatures dif tinct and every day virtually more independent, generate frequent commercial jealoufies. The terms and compacts in thofe new cafes, agreed to and confirmed by the parliament of Great Britain, may, nay, must, often militate with the views of feperate intereft, and the distinct national prejudices, of the parliament of Ireland. At the fame time party leaders of every defcription, whether actuated by ambition, enthufiafm, or difaffection,

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magnify and inflame difagreement. Ireland muft yield, and thereby acknowledge dependence; or the two ftates must be committed. The confequences, it is plain, would either immediately or by fure gradations, involve the series of deftruction we are folicitous to prevent.

Another point of view may be fuggefted. A spirit of reform appears to have taken poffeffion of the minds of great numbers in this country, even of many who are fincerely attached to our conftitution civil and religious. The measure of reform has been occasionally propofed in the legislature of Great Britain; and there are many refpectable characters in that country who think that fome reform, in a lefs turbulent and more aufpicious season, might be usefully adopted. In Great Britain, from the union of the people, from the general attachment to the established laws and religion, and from the deep and steady interest with all ranks feel in the prefervation of their conftitution, it is moraly certain, that whatever reform may take place there, will be moderate, cautious, and constitutional. But in Ireland, where the principles of jacobinism have been so deeply inbibed and fo extenfively propagated, and where the antipathies of contending fects, and the jealoufy of English dominion, have fo long fermented in the community, there is powerful reason to apprehend, that, the opinions of a distinct nation influencing a distinct legislature, the independence of the parliament of Ireland would exhibit itself, in the adoption of a reform, different from that in Great Britain. Reform, by its own nature, has a tendency to beget reform; but among an unsteady people, not strongly attached to eftablished laws, it pro

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pagates more rapidly and more daringly. The natural confequence of fuch progrefs muft be, that the reforms of the two ftates, would in due courfe fo far diverge, as neceffarily to produce the feparation which our enemies purfue, but which we anxiously feek to avoid.

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This may perhaps be anfwered by fuggefting, that the oppofition parties in the two ligiflatures have very well understood each other on the fubject of reform; and that they not only concerted together the means of carrying their purpose in a parliamentary way, but the oppofition in England were employed to take up the caufe of the Irish confpiracy in the British parliament, whereby, had they faceeded in their profeffed views, the rebellion would have gained countenance and ftrength, refiftance on the part of the executive would have been retarded and weakened, Ireland might have been loft, and Great Britain at laft have become a victim to the schemes of jacobinifm. A proof this, as demonftrative as matters of a political nature admit, that feparate and independent legislatures in one Empire, tend to disunion and weakness, must often prove embarraffing and dangerous, and, in a period of great political movement among furrounding nations, may occafion actual destruction. Think but for a moment on the leading circumstances of these two kingdoms :-fo peculiarly fituated on the maps of Europe; fo flightly connected, yet fo effentially diftinct; fo different in the prevailing though the fame in the established religion; fo exposed to machinations at home and to hostilities from abroad; but particularly, the inferior country, hitherto dependent, now fo progreffive in power and independence ;and then say, is it poffible, from all that we know of

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the hiftory and nature of man, to conceive that,-without a miracle, two kingdoms fo circumftanced, can continue long in any amicable or useful connexion, or can avoid ultimately a hoftile feparation.

Great Britain and Ireland, all the loyal are agreed, ought to be one in the enjoyment of the fame conftitution, and one in a common intereft: and in truth, it has been the regret of the best friends to Ireland, that whether from a leís advanced state of fociety, or from the unhappy difference in religion, or from whatever causes, the British conftitution has not been fo compleatly enjoyed, or fo compleatly operative, here as in. Great Britain; and we all know that the interefts of the two countries, have been too generarly confidered and acted upon, as diftinct and even incompatible. But while the legislatures, the fupreme powers in the twonations, remain feparate and independent, no common fyftem can poffibly operate to preferve a common intereft, and to fupport and improve a common constitution. Separate legislatures therefore, differently connected, and differently interested, must neceffarily, fo far as they are independent, adopt different views and fentiments on these leading points. And accordingly, within a few years paft, while virtual dependence ftill remained, though no doubt confiderably weakened, we have found this occafion palpably verified on two important occafions; and what is remarkable, thofe occafions occurred after, and not very long after, the repeal of the British statute which declared the right of the British legislature to bind Ireland, and the renunciation of the right itself. The first of those differences of decifion in the two legislatures, was upon a fubject of commercial compact

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