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WORKS OF THE RIGHT REV. ASHTON OXENDEN, D.D.,

(BISHOP OF MONTREAL.)

THE PATHWAY OF SAFETY; or, Counsel to the Awakened. In
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CONFIRMATION: or, Are you Ready to Serve Christ? Thirty-sixth
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THOUGHTS of a PHYSICIAN. Being the second series of "Evening Thought."

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HALLOWING of our COMMON

THE HATwelve Sermons on the Consecration of

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CANON TREVOR ON THE EUCHARIST

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HE CATHOLIC DOCTRINE of the

SACRIFICE and PARTICIPATION of the HOLY
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CH

BALLAD S.

THE SCRIPTURAL HISTORY of the that friends of this Missionary work will provide

JOHN HODGES, Depôt for Church Publications, 2,

Bedford-street, Covent-garden, London, and Church-

street, Frome.

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MACMILLAN and CO., London,

MESSRS. RIVINGTON'S NEW LIST.

In a single Narrative, combined from the Four Evangelists, showing in a

new translation their unity. To which is added a like continuous Narrative in

the Original Greek.

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The Origin and Development of Religious Belief.

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The Witness of St. Paul to Christ;

The Boyle Lectures for 1869. With an Appendix, on the Credibility of the
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By the Rev. STANLEY LEATHES, M.A., Professor of Hebrew, King's
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The Witness of the Old Testament to Christ.

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By the late Rev. J. M. Neale, B.D.

The Virgin's Lamp:

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Catechetical Notes and Class Questions, Literal and

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Apostolical Succession in the Church of England.

By the Rev ARTHUR W. HADDAN, B.D., Rector of Barton on-the-Heath,
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The Priest to the Altar; or, Aids to the Devout
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Second Edition. Enlarged, Revised, and Re-arranged with the Secretæ,

Post-Communion, &c., appended to the Collects, Epistles, and Gospels, through

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By JOHN HENRY BLUNT, M.A. Small 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Key to the Knowledge and Use of the Holy Bible.

By the Same Author. Small 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Key to the Knowledge of Church History (Ancient).

Edited by JOHN HENRY BLUNT, M.A. Small 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Key to the Narrative of the Four Gospels.

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London Published by JOHN HOGG, 14, York Street, Covent Garden, and Printed by JOHN HIGGS BATTY, 6, Red Lion Court, Fleet Street.

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THE DEATH OF LORD DERBY.

Nor unexpected, for the limits of the appointed threescore
years and ten have been exceeded; not unlooked-for, because
his physicians had given over all hope of his life nearly a
week before he breathed his last; yet the peaceful death of
the leading politician in England, a peer renowned for his
lineage, rank, high position, Christian nobility, and vast
influence, has, nevertheless, come upon us suddenly, and
left a vacant position in the political world which it will be
the reverse of easy, if not impossible, to fill.

To attempt to give the barest outline of Lord Derby's
political and public career is beyond the scope of this brief
article. Suffice it to say, that for the last forty years he has
been a most prominent exponent of political truth-for the
last twenty he has been the leader of the great Tory party.
No man for generations past has so completely succeeded in
obtaining the unquestioned confidence of those who maintain
the great principles of law, order, and authority. Those temporal
peers, who are untainted with Whiggery and undefiled by a
sham and unlovely "Liberalism," have looked up to him as
their natural and proper leader, and have long generously
rallied round him as one of the most high-principled and
unselfish politicians who ever received the seals of office, or
served his sovereign with zest and devotion.

When Peel, the cotton spinner's son, in the spirit of a
cotton spinner, denounced the principles he had hitherto
maintained and betrayed the party he had previously led, the
Tories seemed hopelessly disorganized if not permanently
broken up. It was reserved for Lord Derby to stand forward
in the breach. Conjointly with Lord George Bentinck and
Mr. Disraeli, his old party, shattered, scattered and dispirited,
Lord Derby most ably succeeded in effecting its re-organization,
and so efficiently restored its influence that on three occasions, in
1852, 1859, 1866, the Tories occupied their proper position
on the Treasury benches. How much this was brought about
by Lord Derby few can adequately tell. On the last occasion
three malcontents, short-sighted in their view and intensely
narrow in their policy, though professing a superfine breadth,
strove to damage the Tory Government bys ecession from it.
The Liberal papers were of course delighted at this, and art-
fully praised the seceders with fulsome laudation. Onlookers
regretted that personal dislikes and natural ambition had
tended to weaken the Tories. For so it turned out. When
the great principle of disestablishment for Ireland was brought
forward so as to form a basis of agreement for the Liberal
rabble, the Conservative party became divided. There were
considerable secessions. The Bishops led the way in breaking
up its unity. Archbishop Tait, as was to have been expected,
though appointed by Mr. Disraeli, became feeble and stammer-
ing in his utterances, and at last turned out to be a mere
feeble and broken reed. The Bishop of Oxford, pricked by
the neglect of his party, intrigued for an Episcopal schism,
and most ably accomplished it. Lord Salisbury and the cynics
of the Saturday Review of course rejoiced in the defeat of
Mr. Disraeli; for this it was, if not openly. at least effi-
ciently, supported the Gladstonian policy. Hoping to play

Price 2d.

the old game of the Aberdeen coalition over again they
schemed to weaken the Tories proper. Many Conservatives
fell into the trap. Not so Lord Derby and Lord Redesdale.
The speech of the former, which it was our melancholy satis-
faction to hear, foundedon true and lofty principles, was full
of political truth and sage advice. Never was a more truly-
needed warning uttered. "I expect soon to stand before my
Maker, and my inmost conscience tells me that my plain and
solemn duty is to protest in His name against the injury about
to be inflicted on His Church." Though the voice was weak
and the frame weaker, yet these words had a terrible force.
They were unheeded, they were contemned at the time; but
a few months only have served to show that the weighty
warning which they contained was sound and true. Let the
state of Ireland tell-let the existence of a secret organization
show that the robbery of the Irish Church has not in the
smallest degree sufficed to satisfy the demagogues and their
dupes in that unhappy land. It is now asked that the Fenian
traitors so righteously condemned, shall not only be let loose
to preach treason and foster sedition once more, but that
atonement shall be made by the State for having imprisoned
them. "The prisoners ought to be released and amply paid
for their sufferings," said a speaker last Sunday in Hyde
Park.

We dwell on all this to evidence Lord Derby's great fore-
sight. His stand-point and eminence were lofty; he could
see over the mists and dust-clouds of personal political
bickerings, and note the bearings of contradictory and
dangerous. currents upon the wide waste of waters beyond.
This men are now discovering for themselves. We trust the
discovery when made may not turn out to be disastrous with
perplexing disasters, both to themselves and to the State.

Of Lord Derby's high social position we need say no more.
He well represented the old principles of the oldest Plan-
tagenet nobles; and again of the high-minded Cavaliers of
the Caroline age. Of all that was good, and true, and noble.
and of fair report there was found in him at once a marked
example and an illustrious defender. As regards his place in
literature it was not simply the reverse of mean or unimpor-
tant, it was a position high and well recognized.
scholarly and poetical version of Homer's great poem, com-
paring well with those of English masters in the art, will
surely live. And this is the highest praise. He fittingly
succeeded Wellington as Chancellor of the University of
Oxford, and never swerved from adopting that policy which
led to his unanimous election to that office.

His

In the future he will not be forgotten by his countrymen.
His name will be ever remembered. Just now the political
and social dangers which threaten are great indeed-greater,
in truth, than most men care to admit or confess. Those
who have sown the wind may soon reap the whirlwind. When
such sweeps over the land, not the sowers alone but all will
suffer. Signs are significant and pregnant with warning if
men would but heed. But they heed not, passing by to mere
pleasure, or gain, or frivolity. A beggarly hand-to-mouth
policy is cried up by the selfish cynics and arrogant sceptics
of the day. Garrulous philosophers clack and chatter.
What is for the moment expedient, and nothing beyond this

is alone considered. It was otherwise with him-for Principle
was his polestar-whose mortal remains are soon to sleep
with his fathers. It was otherwise with him, the ancient
noble, the high-minded statesman, the refined scholar, the
Christian gentleman, whose presence and power we are
certain to miss, but after a well-spent life he is now gone to
his rest. And we will say no more. May the Eternal bestow
upon him the enduring light of everlasting life!

THERE are many curiosities in natural history, of which

recent writers have provided the public with information at

once novel and instructive. In the province ecclesiastical,

however, few have furnished those records with regard to

genus and race which the marvellous productions of modern

times would seem to have rendered necessary. The old divi-

sions into which the Clergy were divided have ceased to be

either accurate or exhaustive. Old analyses of character and

thought have lost their point and pertinence. And this

because ancient principles are neglected and sound precedents

set aside. Even Mr. Conybeare's Church Parties, and that

brilliant series of papers by Mr. Oxenham, published twelve

years ago under the same title, very inadequately describe the

present state of affairs. The silent revolution has done its

work. Everywhere Expediency has been potent, for principle

has been flung to the winds. Old parties are broken up, and

even the combinations formed from their dissolution have in

due turn come to nought. One party-a strange cross-breed

unknown to English history and intrinsically un-principled

(by this we mean without any fixed principles)-aims at

growing influential, and seeks more power than it now pos-

sesses. This party is a party of destruction. The men who

form it are known as 66

High Church Radicals." At present

they make up for their limited numbers by unmeasured abuse

of their opponents, groundless assertions and unlimited noise.

As far as in them lies they are successfully breaking up the

Church of England-or at all events are scattering such a

seed as must, sooner or later, infallibly produce that result.

Should the humble enquirer ask what a High Church

Radical is, there need be no difficulty in providing a faithful

definition. He is a composite compound of so-called "modern

principles" which are self-destructive and contradictory; and

aims at carrying out a new and revolutionary Church policy

which is ruin for England and a certain triumph for Rome.

He is an universal fault-finder. With him nothing is to be

tolerated but the brazen-faced assertions of the leaders of his

own clique, and the infallible utterances of their cheap ritual-

istic newspapers. Of past history he knows but little, of

present facts next to nothing. He has an ideal, as we all

have; but it is one which is not very likely to be realized on

earth. For this ideal, like a fretful child, he cries out con-

tinually but such a cry is only a

:

'baying of the moon."

If hope deferrred maketh the heart sick," the heart of the

High Church Radical, ere his fanciful dreams are realized,

will be very sick indeed.

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Though the rank and file of the party is composed of the
impetuous, the dreamers and the hopeful, those who lead and
direct it are men of the coolest tempers and as far-sighted as
they are keen. Liberalism, that is a contempt for all autho-
rity whether regal or ecclesiastical, is the basis of their action.
Self-will is their sole guide. They may talk loftily of what
the "Church says" and of what the "Fathers say," but by
this they only mean to enforce and thrust upon their deluded
followers what they themselves have said, or are about to say.
Moreover, from a political standing-point, they are members.
of that heterogenous gathering which Mr. Bouverie designated
the Liberal rabble.' For Mr. Gladstone they have a blind
and blundering admiration, if not inferior kind of worship,

which they share with Mr. Bradlaugh and Mr. Finlen. In
fine they stand up for what Theodore Hook called "
a General
Dissolution of Everything and a universal Scramble by
Everybody," in the hope that out of an Ecclesiastical Chaos
brought about by themselves, new laws and a new order may
rise in majestic perfection.

And it is wonderful to see how their "Unions" and news-
papers have rendered such hateful idea, not merely tolerable,
but acceptable to so many. Though Radicalism in the sphere
of politics corresponds to Independency in the sphere of mis-
belief-though the whole principle of Radicalism is opposed
to any one individual possessing rights, whether ecclesiastical
or political, over another; yet the Clergy who hold that they
have a right to teach and a power to loose or bind, appear to
have been bitten by the rabid notions of alien adventurers,
and to have welcomed the magnificent programme of destruc-
tion which has been dangled before their

eyes.

The work of the High Church Radicals is not difficult. It
is easy enough to destroy, overturn, and uproot. But natural
growth is slow, and reconstruction is a work of time. As
regards this clique the Church may be at once disestablished,
Oxford and Cambridge lost for ever as "seminaries of religion
and useful learning"-Christianity banished from the Houses
of Parliament, if only Mr. Gladstone can be upheld in his
present position of power, and a second Cairns' Judgment
avoided for the future.

The dangers of such a policy are either never considered, or
else are thrust into a hazy background. The abject position
of the Episcopal Church in Scotland-so abject that in a
false charity men hesitate to tell the whole truth-is never
alluded to. And yet the very men who are labouring for dis-
establishment here, the very men who are so active with their
pens and tongues are mainly, as a correspondent points out,
Scotchmen who, after due consideration and with much
admirable judgment, have deliberately abandoned the Church
of their country for our own. The experiment of a disestab-
lished Church, "pure and apostolic," as the phrase runs, with
perfect freedom in the election of Bishops, has shown us what
such Bishops may be like, and at the same time has provided
a wide field for further experiments, if our restless experi-
mentalists are in earnest in desiring to apply their theories.

Here in England, however, we regret their mischievous

action and heartily oppose their democratic proposals. A

national Church, allied to and influencing the State, may

flourish and expand-but a sect (and this is that to which we

are coming) at open opposition with the State, opposed to the

direct action of a hostile communion with ramifications all

over the world, would only last for a short time. Its death

might come by slow mortification, like our northern relation,

or by a gallopping consumption. But that it would die-

weakened, starved by its friends, and dismembered, is as certain

as that June follows May. The Church Universal will never

die-God forbid such a notion!-but no such promise relates

to any national Church or part of it. Therefore, in solemn

earnestness we urge our readers to ponder over the dangerous

principles here inadequately referred to, and at once to dis-

connect themselves from the wire-pullers of a pushing and

self-opinionated faction, who, like Samson, may not im-

probably perish in the general ruin which themselves have

helped to bring about.

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