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Miscellaneous.

Friday was the sixteenth anniversary of the opening of the Crystal Palace. During the sixteen years it has been open it has been visited by 24,655,712 persons.

The sum of one thousand pounds was a few days since left at the bank of Messrs. Ransom, Bouverie and Co. for the British Hospital for Diseases of the Skin, from "V. S. T."

on

The Court Journal prints the following:-It is said that the onslaught "Lothair," in Blackwood, is by Colonel Hamley; the article in Macmillan, which may be described as Blackwood and Water, is by Mr. Hayward, the editor of the Quarterly Review; and the one in the Fortnightly, Mr. Kerrison's. In the forthcoming Edinburgh there is to be an article on "Lothair" by Lord Houghton. [The article in Blackwood is elsewhere attributed to Lawrence Oliphant, who some years ago became a Mormonite and lived in Utah until a few months ago, when he returned to this country and published Piccadilly.]

The "Town Talker" of the Western Mail says:-Have you realised the result of the decision arrived at the other day by the Queen in Council at Balmoral? According to the significance of the announcement of it, as since then officially published in the Gazette, there is an end thenceforth for ever to what has been known, and sought, and bestowed hitherto under the name, style, and title of ministerial patronage. Everything-that is all the good things-big and little, in the civil service (barring the judgeships) can be obtained by the mob of aspirants, only and solely through the ordeal of open competitions. Snug berths, cushions plumped out with bank notes, small allotments on Tom Tiddler's ground, sacred to that pleasant pastime described by Mr. Alfred Mantalini as "picking up the demnition gold and silver "all these luscious tidbits, the ortolans of official life-the truffles of political existence, are, by this one sweep of the pen, by one sign manual of the sovereign, dissipated into thin air, and are henceforth as the mere golden day-dreams of the place-hunter's excited and ecstatic imagination. Taking this in connection with the first two paragraphs of the Postscript in last week's Guardian, one would imagine that the Dean of Rochester is an instance of the rule being adopted to the Ecclesiastical Branch of the Civil Service.

THE "OXFORD PROFESSOR" AND MR. DISRAELI.-The following we quote from the Standard:-"Sir,-With reference to Mr. Smith, whose insolent and vulgar letter to Mr. Disraeli has been copied into your to-day's issue, allow me to call attention to the following passages taken from a letter which was addressed to the Manchester Examiner in the

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month of March, 1868, and which bears the signature Goldwin Smith. 1. His triumph is a triumph over public morality, and over the self-respect of the nation.' 2. He attained his present position by an intrigue, dexterous, if merely falsehood can merit the name of dexterity, but as vile as any that sullies the annals of political faction.' '3. Disraeli has risen by personal invective, by conspiracy, by using the arsenic which kills noble reputations. 4. He has made his way by serving the prejudices of aristocracy, and not only its prejudices, but its lowest passions in a way which the very menials who stood at its portals would have scorned to do.' 5. Neither his own principles nor the sight of a suffering and starving people could deter him from accepting the wages of political assassination. With the evidence of his own Billingsgate pen before him, I am astonished that even this foul-mouthed libeller can have the audacity to complain of the manner in which his least odious characteristics have been sketched in the brilliant pages of Lothair. ALFRED B. BEAVEN."

DEATH OF MR. CHARLES DICKENS.

humourous serial publications, for the authorship of which he is chiefly known. Of late years he has devoted himself a good deal to public readings of his own works, by which his popularity was much augmented. It is a somewhat curious coincidence that the series of "Readings which he gave in St. James's Hall, not many weeks ago, were announced to be the last which he would ever give. His parting words on that occasion were these:

"Ladies and Gentlemen,-It would be worse than idle, it would be hypocritical and unfeeling, if I were to disguise that I close this episode in my life with feelings of very considerable pain. For some fifteen years, in this hall and in many kindred places, I have had the honour of presenting my own cherished ideas before you for your recognition; and, in closely observing your reception of them, have enjoyed an amount of artistic delight and enjoyment which, perhaps, it is given to few men to know. In this task, and in every other I have ever undertaken as a faithful servant of the public, always imbued with a sense of duty to them, and always striving to do his best, I have been uniformly cheered by the readiest response, the most generous sympathy, and the most stimulating support. Nevertheless, I have thought it well, at the full floodtide of your favour, to retire upon those older associations between us which date from much farther back than these, and henceforth to devote myself exclusively to the art that first brought us together. Ladies and gentlemen, in but two short weeks from this time I hope that you may enter, in your own homes, on a new series of readings at which my assistance will be indispensable, but from these garish lights Ivanish now for evermore, with one heartfelt, grateful, respectful, and affectionate farewell."

Mr. Charles Dickens was buried yesterday (Tuesday) morning very privately in Westminster Abbey.

Births, Marriages, and Deaths.

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The CHURCH HERALD may be ordered through any Bookseller or Newsman. It is kept on Sale at Messrs. W. H. SMITH & SON'S principal Book Stalls, and by the following Booksellers:—

Mr. ABBOTT, Great Tower Street, E.C.
Messrs. ANDREWS & CO., Durham.
Mr. G. M. ATKINSON, 40, King William
Street.

Mr. H. B. BULT, 25, New Quebec Street,
Portman Square, W.

Mr. T. BOSWORTH, 198, High Holborn.
Mr. W. BIRMINGHAM, Plymouth.
Mr. BAKER, Cosham, Hants.
Mr. BETTESWORTH, Horndean.
Mr. W. CLIFFORD. Exeter.
Mr. CROYDON, Torquay.
Mr. HARRISON, Leeds.
Mr. HAYES, Lyall Place.
Mr. J. HODGES, Frome.

Mr. JORDAN, Strand.

Mr. LITTLE, Broadway, Ludgate Hill. Mr. J. P. LEGG, High Street, Gosport. Mr. F. G. LOMAX, Lichfield.

Mr. W. LOCKE, Havant.
Mr. GEORGE MORRIS, Larkhall Lane,
Clapham.

Mr. NEALE, Pimlico.

Mr. GEORGE PEVERALL, Walworth Road.

Mr. POTTLE, Royal Exchange. Mr. J. P. PEARCE, High Street, Ports. mouth; and Gosport.

Mr. ROBINSON, Brook Street, Holborn. Messrs. SMART & ALLEN, Paternoster Row.

Mr. SACKETT, Birmingham.

Mr. J. SAMPSON, York.

Mr. VICKERS, Strand.

Mr. G. WALLIS, Cambridge.

Mr. WATLING, Strand.
Mr. J. WILSON, Aberdeen.
Mr. H. WIPPEL, Leamington.

The startling announcement of the sudden death of this popular writer was made on Friday morning with unanimous expressions of regret. He was seized with a fit of paralysis at his residence, Gad's-hill House, Rochester, on Wednesday evening. Throughout Thursday Mr. Dickens remained insensible, and died at twenty minutes after six o'clock A YEAR'S SUBSCRIPTION, INCLUDING POSTAGE, IN ADVANCE, 8s. 8d. Two in the evening of that day.

The deceased gentleman was the son of Mr. John Dickens, who held at one time a position in the Navy Pay Department. Charles Dickens was born at Portsmouth in the month of February, 1812. The duties of his father's office obliged him frequently to change his residence, and much of the future novelist's infancy was spent at Plymouth, Sheerness, Chatham, and other seaport towns. The European war, however, came to an end before he had completed his fourth year, and his father, finding his "occupation gone," retired on a pension, and came to London, where he obtained employment as a Parliamentary reporter for one of the daily papers. It was at first intended that young Charles should be sent to an attorney's office; but he had literary tastes, and eventually was permitted by his father to exchange the law for a post as one of the reporters on the staff of the True Sun, from which he subsequently transferred his services to the Morning Chronicle. On the establishment of the Daily News in 1846 he became its first editor, but after a few months withdrew from the editorship, and returned to his line of

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Third and improved Edition, uniform with the Psalter, HE CANTICLES, arranged for

S. N. Price 9d. (A few remaining copies of the Second Edition can be obtained, in quantities not less than a dozen, at 4d. each.)

THE VERSICLES AND RESPONSES, AND THE LITANY, with Harmonies. By WM. ARDLY. Price 9d. London: NOVELLO, EWER & CO., 1, Berner's-street; and 35, Poultry.

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Lately published, 8vo., pp. 530, price 16s. THE VALIDITY OF THE HOLY ORDERS OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND MAINTAINED AND VINDICATED BOTH THEOLOGICALLY AND HISTORICALLY, WITH FOOT-NOTES, TABLES OF CONSECRATIONS AND APPENDICES.

By the Rev. FREDERICK GEORGE LEE, D.C.L., F.S.A., Vicar of All Saints', Lambeth. Contents: Preface-List of Books quoted or referred to CHAPTER I.-Introductory: Statement of the Author's object. II. The Preface to the Ordinal of 1549. III. Form for the Ordination of Deacons, 1549. IV. Form for the Ordination of Priests, 1549. V. Form for the Consecration of Bishops, 1549. VI. The Edwardine Ordinal. VII. The Ordinal of King Edward VI.— Objections. VIII. Ordinal of King Edward VI. in substantial harmony with the most ancient forms. IX. Some other ancient forms for Ordination. X. Medieval forms for Consecration and Ordination in the West. XI. The same subject continued. XII Eastern forms of Ordination. XIII. Forms of Ordination n use amongst the separated communities of the East Christians of St. Thomas. XIV. The Nestorians. XV. Archbishop Matthew Parker. XVI. The Consecration of William Barlow. VII. The Consecrations of Hodg

REUNION of CHRISTENDOM.—All

persons interested in the Reunion of Christendom are invited to attend a MEETING at the Rooms of the Architectural Exhibition Society, 9, Conduit-street, on Monday, 20th June, at 8 p.m. precisely. The Chair will be taken by Lord Eliot. The following gentlemen have promised to take part in the proceedings:-Lord Limerick, Lord Kilcoursie, Sir Alfred Slade, Bart., Mr. A. P. De Lisle: Revs. C. F. Lowder, George Nugee, and H. N. Oxenham.

The following Resolutions will be proposed for adoption:

1. That in view of the religious condition of mankind, of whom over two-thirds are still heathen, and of the

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scandal and difficulties caused ST.

divisions among Christians, this Meeting desires to
record its conviction of the paramount importance of
the Re-union of East and West round the Primacy
anciently recognised by both alike, as well for securing
the integrity as for promoting the dissemination of the
Christian Faith.

2. That the only adequate remedy for the social and
religious dangers of England, and the surest guarantee
for the future of English Christianity, lies in her
restoration to Visible Unity primarily with the Churches
of the Western Patriarchate, and then with the Eastern
Churches also.

3. That the advance of the Re-union movement
during the last twelve years, and the critical circum-
stances of the present time, call at once for deep
thankfulness and for increased energy in the prose-
cution of this holy work.

Tickets, price 18. (Reserved Seats 2s. 6d.), may be
procured from Messrs. Masters; Parker; Rivington;
Hayes; Pickering; Palmer; Skeffington; Westall; The
Church Press Company; and at the Office of this paper.

kins, Scory and Coverdale. XVIII. The Consecra-NATIONAL EDUCATIONAL

tion of Archbishop Parker. XIX. The Nag's Head Fable. XX. The Case of Bishop Bonner versus Bishop Horne. XXI. The Sacrament of Baptism. XXII. The Office of Consecrator and Assistant-Consecrator. XXIII. The Doctrine of Intention XXIV. and XXV. Roman Catholic Testimonies to the Validity of Anglican Orders. XXVI. The Cases of Certain Anglican Clergy who have joined the Church of Rome. XXVII. Changes made in the English Ordinal in 1662. XXVIII. Concluding Remarks and Summary of the Author's argument.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

Tables of Consecration: I. Archbishop Parker.
II. Archbishop Laud. III. Archbishop Juxon.
APPENDICES.-I. Authoritative statements regarding
Ordination officially published in 1537 and 1543.
II. An Act concerning the Consecration of a Bishop
made in 25th year of Henry VIII. Cap. xx. sec. 5.
III. Statutes relating to the Consecration of Bishops
under Edward VI.

IV. Act 3 Edward VI. to draw up a New Ordinal.
V. Act to annex the Ordinal to the Prayer Book.
VI. Act 1 of Mary to repeal the preceding Acts.
VII. Act 1 of Elizabeth to re-establish the Book of
Common Prayer.

VIII. Act declaring the legality of the Ordinations.
XI. The Thirty-Nine Articles on Ordination.

X. Documents relating to the Consecration of Barlow and Hodgkins.

XI. Documents relating to Scory and Coverdale.
XII. Documents relating to the Consecration of
Parker.

XIII. Parker's Book, De Antiquitate Britannica
Ecclesiæ.

XIV. Henry Machyn's Diary, with testimonies regard ing the same.

XV. Breve of Pope Julius III. to Cardinal Pole.
XVI. Dr. Lingard on Parker s Consecration.
XVII. Documents relating to the Consecration of
Horn

XVIII. The Nonjuring Consecrations. Bishop Hickes,
Records.

XIX. Documents concerning the Case of Bishop Gordon of Galloway.

XX. Dr. Newman's Letters on Anglican Orders and replies to the same.

XXI. Certain Comments on Roman Catholic statements. The Charges of Forgery.

XXII. Letters of Orders of various Communions. General Index.

London: J. T. HAYES, Lyall-place, Eaton-square. This day, 16mo., cloth, gilt edges, 2s.; or free by post, 2s. 2d.,

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UNION.

London Offices-18, Parliament-street, S.W.

Rt. Hon. W. F. COWPER TEMPLE, M.P., Chairman of Executive.

Col. AKROYD, M.P., Treasurer.

Rev. A. BARRY, D.D., F. S. POWELL, Esq., W. H. SMITH, Esq., M.P., C. BUXTON, Esq., M.P., Honorary Secretaries.

Rev. W. STANYER, M.A., General Secretary. The Executive Committee earnestly solicit co-operation and support in their great work in order to secure the primary religious education of every child, and to counteract the efforts of the "Birmingham League and others now agitating for the Secularization of all our National Institutions, and the exclusion from our Public Elementary Schools of the Bible and all definite religious teaching.

The printing and circulation throughout the land of upwards of Two Millions of Reports, Pamphlets, and Papers have entailed heavy concurrent liabilities; while the GREATER expenses attending the many large successful meetings which have been held, have materially drained the resources of the Union.

The organization and working of Borough and County Branches, coupled with the costs of the London and Manchester Offices, necessitate a large and unavoidable outlay.

The Union is actively supporting the Government Billas introduced" by Mr. Foster, Vice-President of the Council.

Subscriptions are earnestly requested to further this

object.

WILLIAM STANYER, Gen. Sec.

ST. FAITH'S MISSION, Stoke

Newington.

SUBSCRIPTIONS and DONATIONS (the latter to be paid at once, or to spread over three years) will be gratefully received on behalf of the Committee by the joint Treasurers, Rev. J. Dart, Mission House, Victoriaroad, Stoke Newington, N.; E Ferraby. E q., Bank of England, E.C.; or they may be paid to Messrs. Barnet. Hoare and Co., 60, Lombard-street, to the account of "St. Faith's Mission, Stoke Newington."

T. SAVIOUR'S HOSPITAL AND

ST.

REFUGE,

ALFRED TERRACE, UPPER HOLLOWAY, N.,

FOR DESTITUTE WOMEN AND CHILDREN. PRESIDENT: Rev. W. W. MALET. S.S.J. WARDEN: Rev. A. WILLIS FLEMING, S.S.J.

Affords, besides a refuge for those women who desire to forsake their sinful life, a Lying-in Ward and Nurseries for Children.

Applicants are admitted without any distinction as to creed, country, or parish.

FUNDS are urgently needed to carry out the work. Cheques to be crossed "London and South-Western Bank, Holloway Branch." P.0.0. payable at Manorplace Post-office, in Upper Holloway, N.

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STONY

TONY STRATFORD.-ST. PAUL'S
SCHOOL.

Visitor. The LORD BISHOP of OXFORD.
Warden.-Rev. W. T. SANKEY, Vicar.

A PREPARATORY SCHOOL to the above was opened in JANUARY Last. Applications at present to be made to the Warden or Secretary of St. Paul's School, Stony Stratford.

W.
W H. BAILEY & SON,

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ATAL.-The present position of the LE

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Application for admission to the Guild of the Most Blessed Saviour should be made to the Secretary, the Rev. R. H. NISBETT BROWNE, 36, Inverness-road, Bayswater, W.

This day, small 8vo., 3s., nett, or by post, 3s. 3d., HE PARABLES OF CHRIST con

phetical Meaning.

By HENRY W. I. THIERSCH, D.D., late Professor of Divinity in the University of Marburgh.

"This is a very useful and good guide towards the understanding of the twenty-two Parables which were spoken by our Blessed Lord. To those Priests who want to get at the main drift and burden of one of these discourses-either for a Sermon or a Bible Class-in a few minutes this little book will prove itself to be an invaluable boon. The salient points of each Parable are seized upon at once, and the commentary seldom extends over more than five or six pages. The reader

is not burdened with useless matter, and what there is, is very much to the point. There is nothing either verbose or high-flown in the treatise; its very earnest simplicity must commend it to any houghtful mind.', Church Review

London: THOMAS BOSWORTH, 198, High Holborn Removed from Regent-street...

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London: Printed by JOHN HIGGS BATTY, at 6, Red Lion Court, Fleet Street, E.C.; and Published for the Proprietors by THOMAS BOSWORTH, 198, High Holborn, W.C.-June 15th, 1870.

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LIBERALISM VERSUS CHRISTIANITY.

THE rapidity with which the corrupt principle of Liberalism is infecting the ranks of English High Churchmen, is a fact as portentous as it is remarkable. Every issue of the leading Church papers affords fresh illustrations of the force of this political demoralisation, the falsest principles being weekly advocated either in editorial articles or in the correspondence columns of the most popular of our Church contemporaries. Sometimes, by the less discerning of these writers, the mutual independence of religious and political principle, and the consequent indifference of Churchmen to secular politics, are insisted on; but such a view will not bear examination. On investigation, it is always found to involve the denial that there is any such thing as political truth, and, as a consequence, in the place of political principle to substitute a base time-serving expediency. The able writers in the Guardianthe most deeply offending of the High Church journals, and the boldest in its avowal of Radical affinities-know better. They see plainly that Radicalism in politics means ultimately Radicalism in religion. By way, therefore, of being beforehand with their readers, and developing the education of their party, the managers of that paper have recently been giving admission, week after week, to a series of Radical attacks on the Athanasian Creed, and bave thus afforded a very significant illustration of the closeness with which political degeneracy is followed by theological depravity. It behoves those who are concerned to note well and profit by this lesson. When the leaven of political Liberalism once finds entrance, it works surely, though for a time perhaps hidden from view; and, unless happily arrested in time, its result is as certain as it is disastrous. A little consideration of the real nature of Liberalism will, perhaps, show why this must necessarily be the case.

Political society is the result of laws binding men together in mutual relationships. Natural politics regard the relations of men, so far as these can be discerned apart from a Divine revelation. This was the condition under which the heathen monarchies and republics existed before the time of Our Lord. When Christianity appeared a new principle was introduced which illuminated the whole range of human relationships. Our Lord revealed Himself as the appointed Ruler as well as the Saviour of men, and the ordinances of rule which had hitherto existed, as of natural right, both in the family and in the State, were seen to be the earthly shadows of a Divine rightful authority. In the family, the paternal rule was seen to be based upon that of the One Father of all, and the dutiful subserviency of the child, to be the image of the filial relation of our Lord to His Father. So the master was to rule as for Christ, and the servant to obey his master as unto Him. In like manner, in the State the ordinances of rule were invested with the authority of Him to whom was given all power in heaven and earth. His Kingship was manifested in the majesty of the civil ruler, and His execution of justice in that of the judge; while the rights of all were secured, and the consideration due to each enforced, by the common tie of Holy Baptism, which placed all Christian men on the footing of members of

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a brotherhood. In short, Christianity was found to contain within itself the means of organising those who submitted to its influence into a society so bound together by joints and bands, as that men might be ruled for their own happiness and progress, according to the Divine will. This was the system which, in its reference to earthy politics, Christianity was seen to involve, and at the Conversion of the Roman Empire it was carried into practice, with at least some degree of consistency. Ecclesiastical and spiritual rule were kept more or less separate from temporal affairs, because they were committed to other persons than the temporal rulers. But that such a system as has been described must involve some necessary relationship between the Church and the State is sufficiently obvious. As a matter of fact, so far was the isolation of the two powers from being in accordance with the principles of the early Church that she erred, if at all, in the other direction, and the alliance was perhaps made closer than sound theory would warrant, an undue influence being accorded to the Emperor in Ecclesiastical affairs. It was the reaction against this state of things which afterwards led the Church to throw itself so completely into the hands of the Bishops of Rome, and which made his later undue assumptions possible. It was thought a less evil that the Church should rule the State, than that the State should

dominate over the Church.

These then were the principles upon which Christian Political Society was founded, and they continued in force throughout the Christian world (doubtless with many abuses) until the French Revolution. Then the disintegration of society began, and it is going on still. So rapid has been its progress, that there is no country in Western Christendom, excepting the Papal States, in which the old Christian foundations have not been overthrown, or, at the least, as with us in England, sapped and undermined.

And now we are in a position to understand what Liberalism is. It involves the negation of the principles upon which political Christendom has been based. Nay, it is rather the aggregate of the influences which have thus been destroying it. Liberalism is the solvent of Christian society. It explains itself accurately by its name. It proclaims liberty, freedom from restraint. But in order to set free, that which binds must first be destroyed. As Liberalism is that which looses, so Religion is that which binds. Accordingly, Liberalism is essentially the Antagonist of religion, and sets itself successively against every law, principle, or custom which witnesses for a Divine rule in temporal and social affairs. Hence the attacks made by different factions of the Radical party on the kingly authority and the existence of privileged classes, in temporal matters, on the obligatory nature of theological dogma and the right of the Clergy to declare doctrine, in spirituals, on religious tests and education, and the sanctity of the marriage tie, in the unavoidable sphere of mixed questions. These are all institutions proclaiming a rule over men from without, a claim which can be maintained only on the ground of an outwardly manifested Divine rule. The High Churchman admits this claim as to spirituals, while the Radical denies it in toto. High Church Radicalism therefore involves an inconsistency which sooner or later finds men out;

for our Blessed Lord is as truly the Fountain of temporal as of spiritual rule, and unless both functions are exercised by Him through the appointed channels (sanctified by the appropriate Sacramental rites) within the limits of the Catholic Church, His offices are not duly manifested therein, and the Church is not seen to be the "fulness of Him that filleth all in all." If religion is to be divorced from politics it cannot be said that the kingdom of our Lord is established on the earth-except in the sense adopted by the Quakers.

The application of this principle alone can save men from becoming a prey to the infidel Liberalism of the day, and the High Church Radical ignores it. He does not, of course, deny that "Jesus Christ has come in the flesh," but he eviscerates the fact of half its meaning by denying that He now exercises on earth the office belonging to Him as the true Head of the human race, the rightful King of men, and so far is led to partake of the anti-Christian spirit which despises dignities. The High Church Radical does not deny in words that God rules the State, but only acts on the opposite theory. And when even within the spiritual sphere a difficulty arises to his mind, for example, as to the authority over his conscience of the Athanasian Creed, or the exclusive rule of the Clergy in doctrine, he has no sound principle to fall back upon, but forms a judgment for himself from passages of Scripture or otherwise, like his more consistent Non-conforming brother Radical. The road from bad to worse is marked by the example of names too illustrious and too familiar to us all to make fuller illustration necessary.

Up to the time of the great Oxford movement, now nearly forty years ago, the old political traditions of the English Church had been maintained. The Clergy were mostly Tories, holding principles in politics consistent with their Churchmanship. Pushing parsons did not then recommend themselves to patrons or the public by announcing themselves as Liberals. The principles, too, of the Oxford leaders were definite. They well knew that God rules in the State as well as in the Church. The threatening attitude of the Liberals of those days was indeed the original cause of the movement. One of their chief endeavours was, by spreading a knowledge of true principles, to prevent the State from taking an indifferent position as regards religion. Let us continue to follow in the same path. It was marked out for us by Catholic antiquity, is specially sanctioned by our own branch of the Church, and has been made honourable, even in worse times than these, by the blood of martyrs. No shred of a reason has been adduced to lead us from this course, except a brainless pandering to the weakness of some within our fold and the infidelity of those without. To separate religion from politics, to ignore the Christian standing of the nation, and throw men back upon their natural rights as men, would be to uproot Society and inaugurate Chaos. The conductors of the CHURCH HERALD well know that the times are against the principles they advocate, that the cause of political truth seems well nigh hopeless; but they will maintain the struggle with a good heart. As was said by a member of one of Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments, "All things are in change, and nothing so suppressed, but by God's grace, the same may, in time, by policy be raised up."

IS THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND PROTESTANT?

IF any member of the English Church had been asked thirty years ago what religion he professed, he would most probably have replied that he was a Protestant; and further, on being asked what was the religion of Dr. Wiseman, he would have answered, Catholic; and had he been questioned further why he called the Church of England Protestant, he would have said, Because she protests against Rome. And if asked where she thus protests, he would

have replied, in the Thirty-nine Articles. This certainly was the common opinion, and it is held still among very many, even at this present day. It is true that a very considerable number would now call themselves Anglo-Catholics, in contradistinction to Roman Catholics, but they still have a lingering suspicion that the dictum of Lord Stowell is a correct description of the Prayer Book, when he spoke of "Our Protestant Articles tacked into a Catholic Liturgy!" The question, however, is one which deserves some more careful consideration. A protest is a proceeding about which there is no ambiguity: it is the expressed dissent of a minority against the proceedings or the decision of a majority. The name Protestant, in something like its present signification, was assumed by certain Princes of the German Empire, who entered a solemn protest against the decree of the majority of the Diet of Spires in 1529, which took away the power before possessed by each Prince, of managing ecclesiastical matters as he thought fit in his own dominion, and forbade that any changes should be made in doctrine and discipline until the meeting of a General Council. These dissentient Princes entered a solemn protest against this decree, and appealed to the Emperor and to a future Council. Is there anything at all like this in the origin and construction of the Thirty-nine Articles? They appear in our Prayer Book as agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergy of both Provinces in the Convocation holden in London in the year 1562, "for the avoiding of Diversities of Opinion, and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion." To them is prefixed "His Majesty's Declaration," which at greater length sets this forth as the intention and purpose of the Articles. In it we read that, the King holds it most agreeable to his Kingly office, and hig own religious zeal, "to continue and maintain the Church committed to our [his] charge, in unity of true religion, and in the bond of Peace." Not a word from beginning to end of Rome, of her errors, or even of anything external to the Kingdom of England: the sole and only purpose expressed is the composing of differences of opinion, and the settling of disputes within the realm. Neither the Pope nor the Church of Rome are even alluded to; the declaration concerns only the inhabitants of England, and speaks as if it regarded no one outside the Kingdom. Certainly this has no appearance of a protest. Now let us look into the Articles themselves; the like course is pursued, they are not drawn up as if the compilers considered themselves as representing a portion of the Catholic Church complaining of the proceedings of the majority of the Church, as oppressive, tyrannical, and contrary to truth and justice. The idea which evidently possessed the minds of the compilers was-rightly or wrongly-that they had no concern with any others than those under their jurisdiction; that it was not then their business to set matters right in the Universal Church, nor to denounce the course taken by other portions of the Church, or even to renounce the Pope, as Head of the Church. All they were bent upon was the composing of their own diferences. Still more, they never dreamed of imposing these Articles as a Creed on the whole Church, or of setting them up as the one true standard of Faith, which all ought to receive and subscribe: in a word, there is nothing in any way resembling a protest of a minority against a majority.

Further, had there been a protest, they would have protested against the Assumption of the Pope as Head of the Catholic Church, or against all false doctrines peculiarly belonging to him in that position; in a word, against his Infallibility and his Supremacy. But it is very remarkable that the Articles not only do not condemn, but they do not even mention, except by an indirect allusion, either of these two points. The three allusions are those in Arts. 19, 21, 37. In the 19th it is said that the particular Churches of Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Antioch, as well as the Church of Rome, have erred; the 21st, that some General Councils have also erred; the 37th, that the Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this

realm of England. In the first, Infallibility is denied of particular Churches; nothing is said of the whole Catholic Church. In mentioning three out of the four Eastern Patriarchates, it is especially to be noted that the fourth, Constantinople, is purposely omitted. This shows that the compilers had in their minds the great Monothelite and Monophysite heresies, which have so prevailed in those three Patriarchates, that they practically became heretical, and left the Orthodox in a small minority. Constantinople, the first of the Eastern Sees, is not condemned with the other three, because it did not entertain heresy as they did. In the second, where it is said that General Councils have erred, the compilers of course intended the so-called General Councils of the West, the Lateran, Florence, &c. ; not the six Genuine General Councils, which the homily "On the Peril of Idolatry" speaks of as being "allowed and received of all men." Again, it is to be noted that they are said to have erred even "in things pertaining to God," an expression evidently borrowed from the Epistle to the Hebrews where it is used for what we should now-a-days call Rites and Ceremonies. In the third, the denial of the Pope's jurisdiction in England occurs in the Article "of the Civil Magistrates," and has no reference to his spiritual position, but to his ecclesiastical; as such it is not a protest, nor, indeed, is it a new claim of exemption; it is only a re-assertion of the old statutes of Provisors and Præmunire, which were passed and renewed when no one doubted of the Pope's spiritual headship over the Church. We thus see that the Articles cannot be twisted into the form of a protest against Rome, nor of the complaint of a minority against a majority in the Catholic Church. They are, on the other hand, the authoritative condemnation of certain errors, which were prevalent at the time, and intended to preserve the Faithful from them. The Act of Parliament, which defined and condemned "treason-felony" a few years ago, would never, surely, be termed a protest against it; no more can the Articles be termed a protest against error. They made it criminal.

But perhaps it may be thought that the protest is against the doctrinal errors of the Roman Church. It is true that the Articles mention several, not however by way of protest, but by way of authority, in condemning them; and they place them in the same category with those of Pelagians and Anabaptists; yet no one thinks that the Articles were drawn up as a protest against either of these two heresies. In the Articles, the Church speaks with authority, she condemns them: yet in doing so, she does not allude to any communities outside of herself, or the kingdom of England, she only condemns error within. But still more: had the Articles been a protest against all Roman error, or at least, all that was considered by the compilers as Roman error, then they would have enumerated these errors. Not only could they not have omitted those which must have been the very subject of a protest, had there been a protest, Supremacy and Infallibility, but we should not have found omitted such an one as the worship of the Blessed Virgin, which we know was considered an error peculiarly Roman at the time the Articles were drawn up. From beginning to end the Blessed Virgin is never so much as mentioned.

From what we have said above, it will be seen that the term Protestant cannot justly be applied to the Church; for it must be borne in mind that she nowhere, in any of her authorised documents, calls herself by that name; and in the year 1689 the Convocation deliberately, and after some discussion, refused to allow the Church to be termed Protestant in an address to the King; one reason then given by the Prolocutor was "that the term Protestant Churches was equivocal, since Socinians, Anabaptists, and Quakers assumed that title." The term Protestant has in our day become almost synonymous with heretic. Perhaps nothing more hinders Re-union with the Orthodox Church than the use of this word to describe ourselves.

Literary Notice.

Elementary Education. A Letter to the Clergy of the Archdeaconry, on the new Education Bill, from the Archdeacon of Wilts. (Salisbury: Brown and Co.) After enumerating the various objections to a conscience clause, and quoting from a Charge of the late Bishop Hamilton, written in 1861, which now reads like a prophetical intimation of the present crisis, Archdeacon Stanton points out that it is quite impossible to put any faith in the Government, the engagements with Church schools having been so often trifled with. Of the Education Bill, he says:but its direct tendency-is to get possession of our school buildings; to Its direct tendency-I may not say its manifest purpose and design, drive the Clergy from that position which they have hitherto occupied with so much advantage to the poor, and to substitute instead-or at any rate to place upon the school boards conjointly with us-many of those who separate from our communion, and are confessedly disaffected towards the established institutions of the land. The Clergy are not necessarily members of the proposed school board. The teaching is not required to be of a religious character, and the teachers of our parochial schools are not obliged to be members of the Church of England, nor of any creed at all.... Once establish a school board such as is proposed, obnoxious Conscience Clause, to be applied and acted on by them, and consisting of men who hold every variety of faith; ouce admit the there will follow, of necessity, a train of endless compromises in school management and teaching, until at length the Bible will be eliminated from our schools, and then will follow that godless system of secular learning and instruction which, even now, the Birmingham League are endeavouring to establish and enforce.

The Archdeacon observes that our course from first to last

has been straightforward; we have kept up our schools in a troublesome requirements of the Committee of Council, and thoroughly efficient manner, we have complied with the many have faithfully applied the annual grants, and yet now the Legislature proposes to cast us off, and to ignore the great and important work we have done. The present course of events ought undoubtedly to show us that nothing can ever be gained by the sacrifice of principles; and that it cannot by any means extend the sphere of a Clergyman's usefulness strange doctrines" which may threaten the little ones of his to promise not ". to banish and drive away all erroneous and

flock.

THE REUNION OF CHRISTENDOM.

A large and important meeting of Churchmen interested in promoting the Reunion of Christendom was held at the Rooms of the Architectural

Society, Conduit-street, on Monday evening. The chair was taken by Lord Eliot. The following Laymen and Clergymen of distinction had which they were unable to be present:-The Bishop of Brechin, Bishop written to express their sympathy with the object of the meeting, at Jenner, Lord Kinnoal, Lord Erskine, the Dean of York, the Rev. Provost Fortescue, Canons Courtenay, Douglas, and Selwyn, the Archimandrite Morphinos, the Very Rev. Eugene Popoff, the Rev. Basil Popoff, the Revs. W. J. E. Bennett, T. T. Carter, A. H. Mackonochie, George Williams, Dr. Thiersch, and G. F. Cobb, Esq. Amongst those present were Lord Limerick, Sir A. Slade, Bart., the Revs. E. Blenkinsopp, E. Cleaver, Dr. R. Brett, Carmichael, Lindsay, G. J. Murray, Prideaux, Q.C., Simpson, Lee, Dr. Littledale, L. Rivington, J. E. Vaux, J. B. Wilkinson, Messrs. and G. E. Street. There was a considerable number of Clergy and Laity of the Roman communion amongst the audience.

In his opening address the noble CHAIRMAN referred to articles which had appeared in the newspapers with respect to the resolutions about to pretation which had been put upon them, and had been approved by a be proposed. He said that these would certainly not bear the intergentleman whose theological knowledge and interest in the subject were undoubted, and for whose judgment they all had the greatest respect. He then explained the procedure of the meeting, according to which it lutions, so far as time would permit, and bearing in mind that the object would be competent for any gentleman to offer remarks upon the resoof the meeting was unity, and that it was not at all likely that this object would be attained by virulent denunciations of those who differ from us. Perhaps they might be met with the question-"Why don't could give a very good answer to that question. The Missionary work you begin with the Nonconformists ?" There were Parish Priests who that was going on in various parts of England was sufficient to show that

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