endeavors to manage it by acquiescing in the proposed mediation between Spain & S. America, & by protesting agst peculiar advantages in the trade of the latter. On the other hand she wishes to stand as well as possible with the revolutionary countries, & does not wish the U. S. to be ahead of her in countenancing them. It would be a fortunate thing, if she could be prevailed on to unite with our views, instead of inviting a union of ours with hers. If she restricts the mediation to an advisory one, a great point will be gained for all parties. In every view it is very gratifying to find her become so much disposed to meet the U. S. in that conciliatory policy for wch they have so long kept the way open, & which is so evidently the true interest of both parties.

Yrs respectfully & aff!".

TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

D. OF S. MSS. MISCL. LETS.

MONTPELLIER, Nov 2, 1818.1

SIR I have received your letter of the 22 ult: and enclose such extracts from my notes relating to the two last days of the Convention, as may fill

1 See ante Vol. III., pp. xv and 209, n. On June 27, 1819, Madison wrote to Adams again:

I return the list of yeas & nays in the Convention, with the blanks filled according to your request, as far as I could do it, by tracing the order of the yeas & nays & their coincidences with those belonging to successive questions in my papers. In some instances, the yeas & nays in the list, corresponding with those on more questions than one, did not designate the particular question on which they were taken, and of course did not enable me to fill the blanks. In other

the chasm in the Journals, according to the mode in which the proceedings are recorded.

Col. Hamilton did not propose in the Convention any plan of a Constitution. He had sketched an outline which he read as part of a speech; observing that he did not mean it as a proposition, but only to give a more correct view of his ideas.

M: Patterson regularly proposed a plan which was discussed & voted on.

I do not find the plan of M Charles Pinkney among my papers.

I tender you, Sir, assurances of my great respect and esteem.

TO JAMES MONROE.

MAD. MSS.

MONTPELLIER, Nov! 28, 1818.

DEAR SIR Your favor of the 23d having passed on to Milton whence it came back to Orange Court House I did not receive it until yesterday.

I am glad to find that our proportion of Shipping in the direct trade with G. B. is increasing. It must continue to do so under an established reciprocity, with regard to the trade with the B. Colonies, whether that be founded on the admission or exclusion of the ships of both Countries.

I thank you for the printed Copy of the documents

instances, as you will find by the paper formerly sent you, there are questions noted by me, for which the list does not contain yeas & nays. I have taken the liberty as you will see, of correcting one or two slips in the original list or in the copy; and I have distinguished the days on which the several votes passed.-Mad. MSS.

VOL. VIII.-27.

relating to our long controversy with Spain.1 It forms a valuable continuation of the State papers already published.

It is pleasing to see proofs of the growing respect for us among the great powers of Europe; which must be cherished and enhanced by the current developments of a just and elevated policy on the part of the United States. Is it not worth while to found on this respect an experiment to draw Russia and France who particularly profess it, into our liberal and provident views in favor of S. America. The great work of its emancipation would then be compleated per saltum; for Great Britain could not hold back if so disposed, and Spain would have no choice but acquiescence.

The inference of Mr. Rush from the circumstances of his last interview with Lord Castle[reagh]: in the moment of his departure for Aix la Chapelle, is as judicious as it is favorable to our hopes of terminating the Thorny question of impressment. The British Cabinet gave up its sine qua non in order to get rid of a war with us at a crisis rendering it embarrassing to its affairs internal and external. It may be equally ready to obviate by another sacrifice the danger of one which might be not less embarrassing in both respects. Impressment and peace, it must now be evident, are irreconcilable. It will be happy if the apparent disposition to yeild

1 Communicated to Congress, March 26, 1818, relating to illegal armaments and the occupation of Amelia Island. See Am. State Papers, For. Affs., iv., 183.

in this case be carried into effect; and it may be hoped the same flexibility may be extended to the case of blockades, which in the event of a maritime war in Europe would have a like tendency with impressments. The remaining danger to a permanent harmony would then lie in the possession of Canada; which as Great B. ought to know, whenever rich enough to be profitable, will be strong enough to be independent. Were it otherwise, Canada can be of no value to her, when at war with us; and when at peace, will be of equal value, whether a British Colony or an American State. Whether the one or the other the consumption of British Manufactures & export of useful materials will be much the same. The latter would be guarded even agst a tax on them by an Article in our Constitu

But notwithstanding the persuasive nature of these considerations there is little probability of their overcoming the national pride which is flattered by extended dominion; and still less perhaps ministerial policy always averse to narrow the field of patronage. As far as such a transfer would affect the relative power of the two Nations, the most unfriendly jealousy could find no objection to the measure; for it would evidently take more weakness from G. B. than it would add strength to the U. S. In truth the only reason we can have to desire Canada, ought to weigh as much with G. B. as with us. In her hands it must ever be a source of collision which she ought to be equally anxious to remove; and a Snare to the poor Indians towards

whom her humanity ought to be equally excited. Interested individuals have dwelt much on its importance to G. B. as a channel for evading & crippling our commercial laws. But it may well be expected that other views of her true interest will prevail in her councils, if she permits experience to enlighten them. I return the private letter you enclosed from Mr. Rush

Health & Success.

TO JAMES MONROE.

MAD. MSS.

MONTP., Feb 13, 1819.

D SIR I recd by the last mail your favor of the 7th. The death of Gen! Mason with the manner of it is an event truly lamentable. The only alleviation it admits is in the hope that its admonitions will not be fruitless.

The Newspapers from Washington not having come to hand regularly of late, and other matters having engaged my attention, I am but partially acquainted with what has passed in Congress on the subject of the proceedings in Florida.1 The views of the Ex. could not certainly have been better directed than to the objects of shielding the Constitution, silencing Spain & her allies, & turning every thing to the best account for the nation. It will be a most happy termination of the business if Onis sh make good the prospect of the desired accommodation of our affairs with Spain.

1 Florida affairs and the Seminole Campaign were taken up by the House December 14, 1818.