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discharge our duties, and to leave the events with Him who alone can order the unruly wills and affections of sinful menoverrule intended evil for the furtherance of greater good for his Church and people, as seemeth best to his godly wisdomwho bestows his honour upon those who, whether nationally or individually considered, honour Him.

The past is gone; the present is before us; of the future we are ignorant. Each month-each week-each day teems with events which the wisest in worldly wisdom could never have foreseen, and which baffle and confound them when beheld.

Where is that proud Administration, impervious to all opponents but itself? Where that strong and united Cabinet, in the resistless influence of which we beheld revived almost the days of Absolutism? Where that Ministry who, in lofty consciousness of power, but forgetful from whom it was derived and the tenure by which it was held, set at nought at once the wishes of the people and the dictates of Eternal Truth-pandering to insurrection-rewarding disloyalty with favour-making a compact with the Mystery of Iniquity-and ruling by the agency

of evil?

We look round for it in vain. It is gone. How remarkable the event! Foreigners wonder at it. It occupies the press of Europe. At every court, and on every Change, it forms the topic of conversation and wonder, whilst various are the reasons given by men," often sagely wrong," as the cause of it.

Whatever the immediate and externally apparent cause may be, there is one which, as Protestant and Christian journalists, we should feel ourselves deeply guilty in not adducing.

It seems a visitation upon the Ministry, the party, and the nation, for their departure from Protestant, Bible Truth, and resorting to an Endowment of Idolatry in order to procure its favour.

Oh! if practical infidelity has not yet produced that obliquity of mental or moral vision which prevents an apprehension of the truth, who can fail to see and to believe, that He who will not have his honour given to another who is a jealous God-who has denounced Popery as the special object of his severest judgments has now, in a most signal manner, turned the wisdom of men into foolishness, their strength into weakness, and made the counsellors of our State and the deliberations of our senators a laughing-stock to the nation, their enemies, and the world, bringing them to nothing at the very moment when they supposed themselves to have taken a course which would have rendered their tenure of office more sure-their power irresistible!!

Scarcely was the Act of 1829* passed, when a powerful * See "England, the Fortress of Christianity," by Rev. G. Croly. Protestant Association, 11, Exeter Hall.

Cabinet, composed of men of great weight and vast experience, within a few months was shivered to pieces; and now, within a few months of the passing of the Maynooth Endowment Bill, a Cabinet yet more powerful is broken up-a Cabinet comprising the same men, restored to power after more than ten years' banishment from office.

And by whom have they been displaced? and why? There seemed no apprehension of it when Parliament was prorogued. They retired from the conflict of the late session, stronger in position almost than they commenced it. They retired as the soldier when the summer campaign is over retires for the winter to recruit his strength, and to prepare for a more vigorous onset. But the seeds of dissolution were already sown. They retired as many a soldier retires from the battle-field, unscathed by the fire of the enemy, to suffer death in his own camp, either by sickness, or as the penalty for crime, or desertion.

And by whom have they been succeeded? By those who were prepared to carry measures, equally or more fraught with danger to the Church, the Aristocracy, the Throne, and the people themselves. For we wish to impress this upon the minds of our readers, that in our country the interests of the various classes and orders of society are all bound up together, as the members of one body. They are complete by being unitedpowerful, by being harmonious.

And where are those who had succeeded them? We ask again, where are they? The historian will pause as he records the fact, and future readers of history will hesitate, even if they doubt not as they read, to find in so short a space as a few days, two Cabinets overturned-the frame-work of political society dislocated-and each party and its leader too impotent to rally round a principle, if they had one-or a consistent policy, if they knew how to adopt it-the materials with which to carry on, as the responsible advisers of the Crown, the affairs of this mighty empire!!

They too are gone-Lord John Russell has found the reins of government beyond his power. Sir Robert Peel may therefore resume office, and though never again to enjoy the confidence he once possessed, it may be to do yet greater mischiefs, by involving us yet more deeply in the guilt of endowing and assisting Popery, and depressing the Protestant cause.

We had heard of measures contemplated by his late Cabinet, which would amply bear us out in these conjectures-and from the names and the known and avowed objects and principles of those whom report says will form his new Cabinet, we have every reason to apprehend measures the most disastrous to the Protestant Institutions of our country. But can we disguise from ourselves that the position in which the affairs of the empire are

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placed, are not only without a parallel, but are eminently critical and dangerous?

Men of extreme views prescribe their own nostrums-as if each one of them was possessed of an infallible specific-which could alone serve as a panacea for the distraction, division, heartburnings, and distresses which prevail more or less throughout the country.

Still amidst all this conflict of opinion, there are duties which it is incumbent upon every lover of his country to perform, and we repeat our hope that no true-hearted Protestant will be wanting in the discharge of his duty. Unity, energy, activity rightly directed, will yet repair, in a great degree, the damages sustained..

But what are duties? When are we to be passive, when active? Where is to be found the boundary line between the sullen fatalism of the Turk, who would submit to the law of imperious necessity, and the submission and activity of the Christian, who, while he knows all things to be in the hands of the Supreme Ruler of men and nations, and can calmly repose in him, yet knows also that he has himself duties to perform-a free agency to exercise,—and talents, for the use or neglect of which he is responsible now, and hereafter to him from whom he has received them? This is an important question-a practical questionbut, in some respects, a perplexing one.

It were difficult, perhaps impossible, for man to define the precise boundary line between Christian activity and Christian quiescence-to know when it is a duty to move, and when "our" strength is to sit still," even as it would for the artist to point out the exact line where a divergence begins from black to white, or white to black, though in their extremes, their diversity is patent and notorious to every one. So is it also with regard to activity and quiescence-when to act, when to sit still, when to oppose, when to submit-are questions which the Christian finds it oftentimes difficult to decide-questions rendered more perplexing from the imperfect medium through which they are beheld, causing them to be viewed in a distorted shape.

The position of parties, their qualifications, their physical constitutions, their temperaments, the times, and circumstances in which their lot may be cast, tend to produce different effects as to their views, and their mode of carrying them into effect. One is bold, another cautious; some are all prone to action, others are for a passive course. The interests of parties also have no small weight. Some see an active and energetic course required, but their interest stands in the way of their public duty, and they thus sacrifice the good of their Church and their country, at the shrine of personal ease, personal promotion, or personal ambition.

Against each of these, the prayerful reading of God's Word affords the best remedy; purifying the motives-restraining the

rash within the bounds of prudence-urging and encouraging the timid to a bold, faithful discharge of their duties.

We have penned, these remarks with the special object of meeting objections which we have often found to prevail amongst good men, to take what they term too bold and prominent a part in opposing Popery, or disseminating the truth; and yet more with reference to the exercise of the ritght and power of voting, whether it be in electing persons to discharge the duties of municipal offices, or to represent them in Parliament.

We feel that all those Protestants who have votes and influence should record those votes, and exercise that influence, to oppose the downward progress of our country towards Popery, and to uphold our Protestant Institutions. We do not wish to interfere with their own convictions upon different topics, affecting local and party interests, as such; we do not strive, in this journal, to advocate Whiggism, as such, nor Toryism, as such. Mere party warfare is to us unknown; but this we desire to see accomplished, that whenever a general election shall take place, and wherever, from time to time, a new election may take place in any borough or county, occasioned by the retirement, elevation, acceptance of office, or death, of any one who may now represent them, that, in choosing their new representative, electors shall be guided by a fixed, resolute determination to have one who, whatever his other political opinions may be, shall be in heart, in word, in act, and in vote, a Protestant.

We do not herein require men to vote for those who, in matters of general policy, may be diametrically opposed to them; but this we desire to see done-that the Whig, in bringing forward his candidate, should be more anxious to see him the determined friend of Protestantism, and the avowed opponent of Popery, than he is the friend of liberal opinions. That the Conservative should act also upon the same principles with reference to Conservative candidates.

Thus, in every case, if two Whig candidates are started, prefer the one who will be the champion of Protestantism; if two Conservatives, prefer the one who will defend the best and dearest interests of his country, and oppose all State endowment and advancement of the Church of Rome.

To this, we think, most of our friends and readers agree. Upon such a course we believe they are willing to enter. But why not then prepare for action? why not have plans now in progress, which, as they mature-and time must do that work-shall place them above the casualties which too often determine the choice or rejection of a candidate at a general election? Taken by surprise, there may not then be time to look around; and, by being unprepared till the day of battle, you secure your own defeat, and the victory of your rivals.

But why not go one step beyond this? Are the interests of

party so strong that they cannot be overcome? What is party? Wherein does it consist? Why was it established? Who are the leaders of it? Why repose confidence where it has been betrayed, and the purposes for which it was given exist no longer?

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The old parties are utterly broken up, nor do we know of class of politicians who can point out a leader, or a Cabinet, in whom they could repose confidence as to the leading questions of the day.

The Corn-law question-protective duties-endowment of Popery these are questions which have broken up Cabinets, and threaten yet longer to perplex statesmen, and involve the country in agitation and disorders of the worst description. All questions directly affecting Protestantism we feel it incumbent upon us to take up. Not so with other matters. Whatever may be our own private sentiments, we feel that we have no right to make the periodical confided to us the vehicle of party warfare, nor the arena on which shall be displayed the relative benefits and disadvantages of free trade, protective duties, and the Corn-laws.

But one opinion we have ever held on one point, and that is one which applies in its effects and operations to more measures than the present, extending to the matters of private as well as of public life. It is based upon a deep-rooted conviction of the overruling Providence of God,-who can bring good out of evil,-order the unruly wills and affections of sinful men, as seemeth best to his godly wisdom,—and make even the wrath of man to praise him.

Infallibility is not an attribute of man. Neither individually or collectively may he boast possession of that prerogative and attribute of the Deity. Unerring wisdom, therefore, will not always characterize either the measures they adopt, nor the plans by which they would seek to carry them into effect.

But this we believe, that any nation or individual, reposing trust in God, and relying on his superintending Providenceexercising, with upright, honest integrity of purpose, the talents reposed in him, however varied in kind, or exalted in degree, for the honour and glory of Him by whom they have been bestowed-will find that those evils which the craft of the devil or man would work against them, will be brought to nought; their malignant designs be dispersed, and the cloud which lowered darkly upon the political horizon, shall become gilded with the effulgence of meridian splendour, and burst in showers of blessing-refreshing where it threatened to destroy.

There are those, we know, who will contend that Corn-laws and protective duties are in themselves wrong,-the very blight of commercial enterprise, the bane of national prosperity-and that protective duties ought never to have existed.

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